tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-70389092662349986632024-03-05T19:36:38.270+05:00Notes from PakistanIn a world with an intellectual history of seven thousand years behind it, where do Pakistanis stand, what are they doing, what do they aspire to be, and what ought they to be doing? This Blog takes Notes of all of that ...Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.comBlogger421125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-20552500089684825832017-09-28T20:16:00.000+05:002017-09-28T20:16:11.414+05:00Personal Website - Pak Political Economy<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
All the posts from <a href="http://www.notesfrompakistan.blogspot.com/">Notes From Pakistan</a> are available now on my personal website:<br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;">Pak Political Economy</span><br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.pakpoliticaleconomy.com/">WWW.PakPoliticalEconomy.com</a><br />
<br />
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-72327728924162305102017-03-07T14:14:00.000+05:002017-03-07T14:21:34.314+05:00Sense of direction<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</xml><![endif]-->With JUI (F), MQM, and PML (Q) once again out to test their
gamesmanship, and ANP, PML (N), the Army, and the political-religious parties
outside waiting in the wings, it seems Pakistan is all set to brace for another
bout of political crisis - leaving us the people bewildered what the hell is
the direction they are all moving Pakistan into!
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That there is no sense of direction in what is happening or cooking to
happen is not far from the truth. An 18th Amendment, a 7th NFC Award,
autonomous status for Gilgit-Baltistan, or the Reconciliation mantra appear
like in-connectible jots on a maze of unattended urgencies.</div>
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This is an attempt to refresh memories of us all, especially the
politicians and the Armymen, with the sense of direction reached in 1973.</div>
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A constitution is never a political document. It is not to be used, or
manipulated politically. Nor is it for the politicians to amend or suspend at
their will. At best, a constitution is a theory of conduct both for individuals
and institutions. In this sense, it is a moral document. Taking it otherwise is
fatal to the soul of a constitution.</div>
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Thus, if a constitution is used and manipulated for political purposes,
its moral tenor is lost. Likewise, if a constitution is amended and suspended
at will, it is reduced into a political statement. This is the case in
Pakistan.</div>
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Historically, in the sub-continent Muslim and Hindu communities’ leaders
could not agree on a theory of conduct to rule their people. That
constitutional failure led to the making of Pakistan and India.</div>
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In Pakistan, again its leaders proved they lacked moral insight and could not
reach a theory of conduct. Instead, they continued fighting for political
interests. So much so that in 1971, the chronic fighting of individuals and
institutions dashing all the hopes to reach an agreed theory of conduct to rule
both the wings finally resulted in the formation of another country out of
Pakistan.</div>
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The period from 1947 onward witnessed ‘constitutional’ anarchy let
loose. After about fourth of a century and an unhappy separation of half the
Pakistan, the rest of the country came to have a Constitution in 1973. In this
case, it was always late to mend.</div>
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But, the ruling party that gave (West) Pakistan a Constitution is the
very party that disfigured the same constitution most. The constitution that
was adopted on April 12, 1973, from May 8, 1974 to January 4, 1977, underwent
seven amendments, six by the same assembly and the seventh by the next
short-lived assembly of the same party. Obviously, from the very start the
constitution could not achieve the status of a moral document and a theory of
conduct as well. The acts belied the intentions.</div>
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Then, there was the Army, an all powerful institution, which never
subscribed to any theory of conduct whatsoever. They created a moral vacuum in
the country. The greatest damage they caused to this nation is not through the
suspension or partial/total abrogation of the constitution; it’s the
destruction of moral and social values. They are the perfect immoralists.</div>
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After them, it was leaders of the political parties who used their
parties as pressure groups to achieve their motives. They were the political
agents of various Pakistani elites who were out-and-out immoralists. They used
the constitution to further their political and elitist interests.</div>
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Another party to this crusade against the constitution was the
judiciary. They were the thoroughgoing immoralists and champions of a new
theory of misconduct. For them, under necessity everything could be validated.
No theory of conduct or no moral code could stop them from fulfilling the
demands of the immoralists. The moral document was immorally brutalized by its
very custodians.</div>
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However, with the emergence of an independent judiciary, supremacy of
the constitution, rule of law, and fundamental rights were dug up and started
to be upheld. Not only the theory of conduct but the code of conduct also
became a matter of everybody’s concern. Somehow, if that awakened a civil
society from its “directionless” slumber, on the one hand, on the other it did
resuscitate the moral conscience of the people also.</div>
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Many a coalition made and broke after the February 2008 elections. These
or any other coalitions are not an end in-themselves. What matters is whether
this practice strengthens the constitution or weakens it as a moral statement.
If a coalition breaks down such as the recent one, quitting of the JUI (F) from
the government, there is little for the constitution to gain. In fact, all such
moves trash the constitution into political triviality.</div>
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Though, the rule of law movement set the constitution of Pakistan to
emerge as a moral document embodying a theory of conduct for all individuals
and institutions strictly to follow, but no political party or no state
institution and especially the Army sees it as such. Old habits die hard!</div>
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In view of this sense of a direction, the conduct of political parties
and the Army is going to decide the fate of the constitution as a moral
document is a misreading. It is for them to realize that it is the constitution
which is going to decide their fate in the long run. Willy-nilly they will have
to revert to the constitution as a moral document to compass their sense of
direction if they want to survive. Their politics should have to be subservient
to the theory of conduct the constitution represents.</div>
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The last three decades, especially, of trampling the constitution by the
civilian and military usurpers prove that politics without a theory of conduct
and without a moral code is worse than robbery and murder, and more than what
was condoned under the National Reconciliation Ordinance. Hence, in order to
prove their worth, political parties and the Army must check with their
political sense of direction. Otherwise, they are in a moral vacuum and may
meet moral death!</div>
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<i>Note: This article was completed in December 2010.</i></div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-37166769097690032872017-01-24T15:49:00.000+05:002017-01-24T15:51:29.214+05:00Is keeping assets abroad criminal?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</xml><![endif]-->This April a bill was submitted in the National Assembly which is yet
another attempt to make the citizens of Pakistan "loyal" to
it. The bill seeks to amend the Article 63 of the Constitution – an article
that sets the criteria for the members of parliament and provincial assemblies.
The bill requires that any person who holds dual nationality and owns bank
accounts and assets in countries other than Pakistan will not be able
to be a member of the parliament and provincial assemblies as well as public
service, both civil and military. It ensued from the womb of Muslim League (Q).
Leaving aside the doubts whether it is part of a political ploy or a trick of
political blackmailing, the bill needs to be examined on its merits.<br />
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
This article does not aim to dwell on the issue of dual nationality. The
same restriction already existed in the Constitution, though the bill means to
extend it to the public office holders also. As far as politicians' (and public
officials') ownership of and keeping their wealth in foreign countries is
concerned, the media and patriot lobby has since long been there manufacturing
the public opinion against it. In fact, such matters came to fore mostly during
the military dictatorships when politicians were especially made a target of
political victimization. The argument put forward said the loyalty of the
leaders to their country who own assets in foreign lands is precarious.
Nonetheless, this class of doubtful loyalty with Pakistan has lately
come to include generals, judges, and other high-profile officials. The bill
does not make a target only of the politicians which had been the common
practice in cases of such legislation in the past. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
It is as simple as that – if an ordinary citizen, or a public office
holder, or an elected representative owns assets in any other country where he
abides by the laws of that country and pays taxes duly, and back home also,
then keeping accounts and assets there is his legal and constitutional right.
In that case, he cannot be barred from being a member of any elected body and
joining public office. Innumerable Pakistanis are already present in foreign
countries' elected bodies and public institutions and own assets in both
countries of their nationality. For that matter, in Pakistan probably
very few citizens of other countries would be found in our elected bodies and
public institutions! Doesn't this bill invite other countries to go for a
legislation of the same ilk? </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
Furthermore, if an elected representative or a public office holder uses
his wealth in this or that country in an unbecoming manner and for illegal
purposes, such laws already exist which deal with this wrong-doing. As the bill
assumes that after its enactment politicians will be discouraged from indulging
in corruption, or will not be able to escape political vengeance or legal
action rightly or wrongly initiated against them, the same is just a figment.
The fact is that many countries have bilateral or multilateral agreements on
the extradition of alleged criminals. Also, in addition to the governments of
other countries and their powerful elite classes, the relatives, friends and
acquaintances of 'victimized' politicians and public office holders will be
more than welcoming to them in having them as their 'pricey' guests. The reason
for this investment is obvious: the prospects of going up of the value of such
"assets," both in political and financial terms, will be
hundredfold! </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
In its essence, the bill questions the loyalty of elected representatives
and public office holders to their country, and as proof of that loyalty
instead of demanding from them, it by imposing legal constitutional restriction
on them tries to force them from having and keeping their accounts and assets
in foreign countries. Is holding accounts, owning property, doing business, and
keeping assets abroad a crime? There is no such bar in the Constitution of the
country. Then, why should there be such a bar on the elected representatives
and public office holders? Does that specific status of theirs deprive them of
their natural and fundamental constitutional rights? Will, by putting such a
bar on them, they be more loyal to the country? Will, by putting this
restriction, their patriotism be increased manifold? </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
The factors which strengthen love and loyalty to one's country have
nothing to do with such legal and constitutional restrictions. Instead of
focusing on those factors, the bill diverts attention from them. In sum, in a
time of extreme insecurity, forgoing the need of securing the protection of
life, and security of rights and rightly earned wealth and property of its
citizens, wherever in this world they own it, the bill seeks to put a
narrow-minded and altogether unintelligible restriction on the citizens of
Pakistan – the present and would-be elected representatives and public office
holders. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
Without any fear of exaggeration, it may be surmised that the bill seems
to be ringing the bells of/for another Martial Law! </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
Note: This article was completed in August 2011.</div>
</div>
Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-68522303208640479222016-12-31T15:12:00.000+05:002016-12-31T15:13:43.894+05:00Wikileaking clandestine governments<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<i>While the Pakistani NGOs seek the Right to Information Law, the likes of "Wikileaks" are wikileaking clandestine governments!</i><br />
<br />
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<![endif]-->The latest ‘leaks’ of Wikileaks provide a historical opportunity to
re-consider many a taken for granted truths!<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
This writing too intends to discuss afresh some such propositions which
relates to the affairs of the governments. For instance, whether governments
are justified in keeping various types of information secret. In Pakistan and
maybe in other such countries also, this is an accepted truth. People outside
governments than those inside seem more convinced in this regard. That is to be
more loyalist than the king. As is the case, in contrast to the ordinary
people, the elitist both inside and outside governments are to be blamed for
this myth. They present government as a transcendental entity, and attribute it
with similar characteristics. Without going into a lengthy debate, the simple
truth is that rulers and government officials, be they elected, or nominated or
appointed, all of them are from the same society of human beings, and the same
countries where they come to be rulers or officials. They are not endowed with
these powers to rule others from any other-world. These powers are given to
them by the citizens as a trust. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
Obviously, these powers are not absolute. They are determined and limited.
Means that that’s no monarchy, rather a constitutional government which runs
under certain rules and laws. It is for this reason that while someone is
invested with powers, at the same time he is made responsible and accountable.
To determine the scope of these powers, and their limits also, is the intent of
laws and constitutions. For oversight, various institutions are created. That
is what makes the existence of executive, legislature, and judiciary
indispensable. Judiciary keeps a check on executive whether it is acting in
accordance with the provisions of the constitution and laws of the land, and on
legislature also whether the new laws enacted contradict or contravene with the
dictates of the constitution. In Pakistan, its citizens have recently achieved
a judiciary, which is not lame-duck, but alive and vigorous. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
Thus, as viewed above, if the powers acquired by the rulers and
officials are like a trust, then there is no justification to keep information
about the affairs of the government secret. Why a government’s own matters or a
government’s matters with another government should be secret is without any
grounds! No argument validates this claim. However, it has been so, and remains
so. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
More to this, considering every government runs (and swells) at the
expense of its citizens’ wealth, i.e. by levying taxes, it is quite natural for
it to account for each single penny. Same is the purpose of audit and social
audit. This means that all the affairs should proceed in complete transparency.
There is no excuse for any secret or discretionary funds. All the incomes and
expenditures of governments, including defense, should be transparent and open.
This has become damn easier today. All the accounts should be put on internet
for the perusal of the citizens. To this, only one exception can be considered.
That’s the security and defense of a country, especially during war. To this
end, certain information can be kept confidential. However, in this area
extreme caution is needed. The type of information which today’s governments
intend to conceal from their ‘enemies’ the very enemies somehow gain access to
that, of course, due to the advancement of technology. Also, Wikileaks prove no
information can be made and kept secret. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
Hence, if all the affairs of governments are open and transparent, most
of the possibility of this or that type of armed revolts, and war will be
reduced to the minimum. This proposition would never be welcomed by rulers and
governments, and also by those who despite their being outside government are
stuffed with a thinking of ruling other people. They are ‘rulers’ from inside,
or by instinct. They can never concede to or tolerate that the matters of
governments be brought in open before the ‘ordinary’ citizens. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
It is thanks to such elitist people that governments have enacted laws
and rules like official secret acts, or classified information, and turned
themselves into some transcendental entities. More than that, they step ahead
of this when they not only conceal their affairs from their citizens but make
leaking them a crime which invites various types of punishments. So, on the one
hand in addition to concealing their affairs from their citizens, governments
lie as well as mislead their citizens, and on the other, they contrive
incomplete, incorrect and false information which they mean for “public
consumption.” Interestingly, this has engaged civil society in securing
citizens’ right to information. This makes for a mission for many an NGO. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
In view of above, it may be concluded that the information which
Wikileaks has leaked is in fact the property not only of the US citizens but
world citizens. Wikileaks has only returned that information to its rightful
owners. We should be thankful to Wikeleaks, and wish there spring hundreds of
such initiatives which will bring official secrets and classified information
back to where it rightfully belong to. And by doing this, they will make the
citizens powerful instead of their governments. In leaking and revealing the secrets
of governments lies the secret of citizens’ freedom and prosperity!</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
Note: This article was completed in December 2010.</div>
</div>
Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-17907831267090366922016-12-30T14:35:00.000+05:002016-12-30T14:46:13.374+05:00So, is London the last refuge for the Kleptocrats-Criminals? <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="color: #cc0000;"><i>The country that taught us lesson regarding Rule of Law, Rule of Politics is winning there!</i></span><br />
<br />
On September 16, 2016, Dawn published the following Situationer, which explains how law may not win over politics in UK:<br />
<br />
<b><a href="http://www.dawn.com/news/1284026/situationer-politics-not-law-likely-to-decide-murder-probe">Politics, not law, likely to decide murder probe</a></b><br />
<b>By Owen Bennett-Jones</b><br />
<br />
Here is the text of the piece:<br />
<br />
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<![endif]-->LONDON:
Shortly before 17:30 on Sept 16, 2010, Dr Imran Farooq was on his way home from
work when he was murdered outside his home in Green Lane, Edgware, in north
London. As the police subsequently reported, a post-mortem gave his cause of
death as multiple stab wounds and blunt trauma to the head.<br />
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For
Dr Farooq it was a violent, brutal end. For the MQM, it was the start of a
process that six years later would leave the party divided, weakened and under
assault from the Pakistani state. We can never know what would have happened
had Imran Farooq not been murdered but MQM insiders admit that it was an
incident that changed everything.</div>
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The
British police investigation has been remarkably thorough. Detectives from the
Counter Terrorism Command have spoken to 4,555 people, reviewed 7,697
documents, followed up 2,423 lines of inquiry and seized 4,325 exhibits.</div>
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At
each stage the police faced obstacles. Early on, for example, details of visa
applications had to be prised out of a reluctant British consulate in Karachi.
Despite such difficulties the police eventually identified two suspects. One,
Muhammad Kashif Khan Kamran subsequently died in Pakistani custody: the other,
Mohsin Ali Syed is alive and the subject of a British extradition request.</div>
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After
the murder inquiry came other investigations. The police found not only piles
of cash in the MQM’s buildings but also a receipt for weapons and explosives in
Altaf Hussain’s home. The tax authorities started taking an interest and the
MQM leader’s suggestion that his supporters play football with the heads of
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<b>UK
protecting MQM?</b></div>
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<br /></div>
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It
is difficult to escape the conclusion that had the MQM been a jihadi outfit
there would have been charges long ago. Which raises the question: why is the
British state protecting the MQM?</div>
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The
answer is complicated because the reasons have changed over time. When Altaf
Hussain first arrived in London the British saw him as an asset. There were
regular contacts — several each week — between the MQM leadership, the Foreign
Office and MI6. With a consistent haul of between 20 and 25 Members of the
National Assembly, the MQM often held the balance of power in Pakistan and from
time to time had federal ministers. When Britain needed things done in Pakistan
it was in the happy position of having a powerful Pakistani politician beholden
to British hospitality.</div>
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<br /></div>
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At
various times an array of Pakistani politicians — driven, let us not forget, by
self-interest rather than principle — demanded London make legal moves against
the party. People who had been directly threatened in Altaf Hussain’s speeches
paid visits to the British High Commissioner in Islamabad demanding action. All
were brushed aside with the standard response: “He is a British citizen: it is
none of your business”.</div>
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<br /></div>
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After
Imran Farooq’s murder the mood of the British Foreign Office gradually began to
change. Diplomats who in the past had said: “we have no evidence against the
MQM” started to say: “of course, they are rather unsavoury but it’s a matter
for the police”.</div>
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<br /></div>
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The
British ship of state, it seemed, was adjusting itself to the possibility that
there would indeed be charges.</div>
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<br /></div>
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But
then a new factor come into play: it became known that two senior MQM officials
had given statements to the British police that some of their funding came from
India. Paradoxically, the revelation helped the MQM because it raised the
possibility that evidence of India’s funding of terrorists could be heard in a
British court. Indian officials made it clear that this would be unacceptable.
Given the high priority Britain has given to improving its trade relationship
with India, Delhi’s concerns were taken seriously.</div>
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Having
initially been motivated by a desire to protect its own interests, London found
itself trying to protect India’s. Which is why just a month ago there was every
chance that all the cases would have been dropped.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<b>The
Aug 22 speech</b></div>
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<br /></div>
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And
then Altaf Hussain made his August speech. The British police had become so
accustomed to their investigations into the MQM leading nowhere that their
initial response was to shrug their shoulders and say it was a matter for
Karachi law enforcement authorities. But the speech and the divisions it
created within the MQM had created a new political situation and the next day –
when Scotland Yard rather belatedly realised this – the British police set up a
new incitement investigation.</div>
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The
incitement could satisfy everyone. The British could help overcome their PR
problem in Pakistan by at last being able to say: “we have moved against the
party, just as many Pakistanis demanded”. While Islamabad’s would prefer money
laundering charges so that the Indian funding evidence is heard in a British
court, it would welcome charges of any kind. For its part, India has no reason
to stand in the way of a British trial as long as it steers clear of the
funding issues.</div>
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<br /></div>
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So
six years after Imran Farooq was murdered, the MQM has been bashed and battered
but it has still not been knocked out. The pressure that Chaudhry Nisar Ali
Khan is applying on London is having an impact, especially in the Foreign
Office, but there is still some way to go before London decisively changes it
attitude. These cases have a tendency to drag on longer than anyone expects but
it should be the case that by the seventh anniversary of Imran Farooq’s death
we will finally know the legal fate of the MQM’s London leadership. And the
history of the whole story suggests that the outcome will depend not so much on
the law but on politics.</div>
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- - - - -</div>
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<br /></div>
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And now the The New York Times has this to say on the issue:</div>
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<b><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/29/opinion/london-rolls-out-the-blood-red-carpet-for-kleptocrats.html?_r=0">London
Rolls Out the Blood-Red Carpet for Kleptocrats</a></b></div>
<b>By BEN
JUDAH</b><br />
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DEC, 29, 2016</div>
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LONDON — Six years ago, the government of Kurmanbek Bakiyev nearly
killed me. I remember it well, because it killed a man standing near me. It
wasn’t specifically me, or him, they were trying to kill. They were simply
firing live rounds at protesters.</div>
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<br /></div>
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This was a forgotten massacre in an overlooked country. The killings
took place in Bishkek, the rickety capital of the Central Asian republic of
Kyrgyzstan, at the start of the 2010 revolution that overthrew Mr. Bakiyev’s
autocratic rule.</div>
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<br /></div>
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His regime had been about one thing: personal plunder. But the Kyrgyz
people’s patience had finally worn out. That April I was among the crowd near
the presidential palace chanting “Stop corruption now” when the guards started
shooting.</div>
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I ran for my life, but the Kyrgyz man nearby was not so lucky. I saw his
bloodied, punctured body being dragged away by other protesters. As the regime
teetered and fell, Mr. Bakiyev fled and found refuge in Belarus. Some days
later I paid a visit to the Bishkek morgue to record how many people had been
shot. I saw plenty. More than 40 protesters were killed.</div>
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<br /></div>
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This is why it angers me that today, the dictator’s son and confidant,
Maxim Bakiyev, lives in a mansion purchased in 2010 for $4.3 million in a
London suburb less than 20 miles from my own family home. Little did I know,
when I flew back after the Bishkek massacre, that Mr. Bakiyev was also
traveling to Britain.</div>
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Of course, it was no surprise, because London has become a personal
valet to men like him: It’s a dictators’ safe space, where billions of dollars
are laundered through the London real estate market every year, contributing to
what the National Crime Agency estimates to be an annual total of
more $125 billion laundered in Britain.</div>
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In Kyrgyzstan, Maxim Bakiyev was convicted in absentia, in a series
of cases over 2013 and 2014, for attempted murder, embezzlement of millions in
state funds, illegal privatization of public land and corruption in selling off
state assets; he received sentences varying from 25 years to life. His lawyers
say the charges were politically motivated, and Mr. Bakiyev has claimed
political asylum in Britain. (When I contacted the Home Office to request an
update on the status of this claim, I was told that government policy is not to
comment on any individual case.) In London, he has enjoyed a life of genteel
seclusion, with a library, a home cinema and a bar.</div>
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<br /></div>
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The Bakiyev regime was always seen as a family affair, a kleptocratic
triumvirate of the son, his father and his uncle. For this reason, Maxim
Bakiyev has remained one of the most loathed figures in his hard-done-by
homeland.</div>
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When I learned that Mr. Bakiyev lived in London, I decided to research
the ownership of the mansion he lives in. But this one simple thing is
impossible to discover; the true owner, and the true origins of the money, are
cloaked under an anonymous offshore company registered in Belize.</div>
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<br /></div>
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The watchdog group Global Witness is calling for an investigation into
Mr. Bakiyev’s affairs. The Kyrgyz authorities, according to Global Witness, believe
that this Belize-registered company is linked to an alleged
money-laundering scheme used to funnel state funds out of Kyrgyzstan. Global
Witness’s 2015 report on Maxim Bakiyev, “Blood Red Carpet,” criticizes British
authorities, lawyers and real estate agents for failing “to prevent a man
linked to corruption and violence from setting up home in a luxury suburb in
London.”</div>
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<br /></div>
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But how would it be otherwise? British law is on the side of the
kleptocrats. All an autocrat on the run has to do is create a shell company to
hide his identity and the source of his illicit wealth, and then use this
instrument to purchase property incognito. Britain’s best-paid brokers and
lawyers are here to help — and will ask no awkward questions about the provenance
of their clients’ cash.</div>
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Such anonymous companies now own nearly 40,000 London
properties. Some of these purchases may be entirely legitimate and innocent,
but these tools of secrecy are well known to be favored by money launderers:
The anticorruption organization Transparency International has found that
this technique has been used for three-quarters of properties whose owners have
been investigated for corruption in Britain.</div>
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Just because there aren’t bodies on the streets of London doesn’t mean
London isn’t abetting those who pile them up elsewhere. The British
establishment has long feigned ignorance of the business, but the London
Laundromat is destroying the country’s reputation. Across the former Soviet
Union, Britain is now seen as a partner in corruption, not democracy, for
elites seeking to asset-strip their own states. The elected president of
Kyrgyzstan, Almazbek Atambayev, has repeatedly called — in vain — for
Britain to stop sheltering “a guy who robbed us.”</div>
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Amid this shame and gloom, one ray of light has emerged: a serious
chance of the reforms we need to stop human rights abusers from using London
real estate to hide their wealth. In Parliament, a growing cross-party band of
members is seeking to amend the Criminal Finances Bill, now making its way
through the legislative process.</div>
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This amendment, named after the Russian lawyer and corruption
whistle-blower Sergei L. Magnitsky, who died in prison in suspicious
circumstances, would allow officials and organizations like Global
Witness to apply for a court order to freeze the assets of human rights
violators. When presented with evidence and a clear public-interest case,
government ministers would be legally bound to act.</div>
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Whether this reform is adopted will tell us much about who Prime
Minister Theresa May really is. If her government kills the amendment, it will
show that she is content for Britain to remain a safe haven for dictators —
while London’s bankers, lawyers and real estate brokers make commissions on
their blood money. It’s time London rolled up the red carpet.</div>
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Ben Judah is the author, most recently, of <i>“This Is London.”</i></div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-40503914038052958492016-12-24T20:21:00.000+05:002016-12-24T20:22:15.074+05:00Bridging The Communication Gap With PPP!<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
With time, disconnect with the Pakistan Peoples Party is widening. The
more one listens to news and reads newspapers, the more one is convinced of the
distending communication gap between the PPP and non-PPP camps. It seems both
of them are talking to themselves only. Watching talk shows on TV channels,
where representatives from both camps talk face to face, is an experience these
days as they appear to be an exercise in monologic dialogue, without
communicating a bit!<br />
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No doubt, both camps are talking quite heavily meaningfully. When
Khawaja Saad Rafique, or anyone from the Pakistan Muslim League (N), says the
PP is using all its energies in defending the President Asif Ali Zaradri
against his Swiss money laundering cases, when Fauzia Wahab or anyone from the
PP says media is targeting President Zardari, and when Qamar Zaman Kaira says
the PP is always a victim of anti-people forces, they all are talking
meaningfully. In fact, they mean very seriously what they say. But they do not
understand each other. Or the PP does not want or intend to understand the
other party. There lies the disconnect, the communication gap!<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Being in government, it is incumbent on the PP, and for that matter
whoever it is, to heed meaningfully to every piece of criticism, blame or just
any expression of hatred, whether it comes from the non-PP camp or from its own
partners. That is better for its own health! However, the PP not taking any
such thing in any serious manner amounts to its own failure, and implies its
having been plagued with a psychological disorder of very serious nature. If it
is so, it is fatal for a nation and its country, when a whole political party,
and one with such a good following, and one wherein sanity has been pushed to
its fringes (read Safdar Abbasi, Naheed Khan) comes to be such a patient who
needs to be quarantined. The latest ‘internal’ evidence to this diagnosis is
the PP’s own decision to boycott a media group, Jang Group and Geo.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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In fact, a person may catch such a psychological disorder, for a
political party comprising a good many number of people catching it is next to
impossible; only if all the members of its leadership layers are diagnosed thus
which is almost an unlikely phenomenon. A political party may have other
diseases, as in the present case, PP is afflicted by populism which is
characterized by utter denial of going by any norms and rules. That is why
mostly it is under the PP governments that rules and laws are laid down to show
its loyalty to the same. At the same time it is under the PP governments that
norms, traditions, rules, laws, constitutional provisions are not adhered to.
For it, the norm is to disregard, ridicule and trample them. Appointing Justice
Deedar Hussain Shah (R) as Chairman NAB is the newest episode to this drama!<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Thus, it may not be far from the truth that such a posture in fact is a
strategy to take liberty and to act freely. The history of events that unfolded
since February 2008 general elections proves that.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Never in the history of Pakistan was a political party’s government
especially that of PP, welcomed with such enthusiasm by the opposition parties,
and all other elements, as was the case this time with PP’s government. Recall
the friendly and encouraging sentiment prevailing throughout the political
environment both inside and outside the parliament. All the political parties,
such as PML (N), Awani National Party, Pakistan Muslim League (Q), Muttahida Qaumi
Movement, Jamiat-e-Ulama-e-Islam (F), which otherwise would make a robust
opposition, were on the side of the PP. They all turned into coalition partners
with PP to materialize the dream. The way Yusuf Raza Gilani was made Prime
Minister and Asif Ali Zardari President no one would believe now. Both print
and electronic media were writing and telecasting goodwill to the PP. Quite
incredible, nowhere could be found slightest hint of difference and
disagreement vis-à-vis PP.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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There is more to it, all that was in perfect sincerity on the part of
the non-PP camp, without any bad faith. Its sole reason undoubtedly was
successful culmination of a mass movement under the leadership of lawyers
against General Musharraf’s dictatorship, and in favor of an independent
judiciary, constitutionalism, rule of law, and fundamental rights, at the end
of which PP had come to form the government. On that high-tide, PP could have
made miracles for the people of Pakistan. Alas, it ruined and lost all that
golden moment!<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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It’s no place to narrate all those events that gradually exposed
malicious intent of the PP leadership, and deliberate thwarting of the
achievements of that mass movement. It fooled not only PML (N), and with it all
the political forces inside and outside (Jamat-e-Islami, and Tehreek-e-Insaaf)
the parliament but also all the ordinary people of Pakistan. Just like its
founder, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the present PP leadership tried to cheat on all
and sundry who came on its side, partnered with it, and supported it. The
tenure of this PP government presents more than a graphic representation of
treacherous callousness of the PP leadership!<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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The latest Nawabshah speech (October 11) of President Asif Ali Zardari,
replete with the same old rhetoric, and the adoption of the same hazy and
symbolic rhetoric by the Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani also, proves the same
point that the disconnect or the communication gap is but a deliberate strategy
to refuse to follow the norms, rules, laws, and constitutional provisions. Whatever
its motives are, the PP leadership has taken refuge behind the populist
parlance. In this vein, every piece of criticism of whatever nature is dumped
under the carpet of conspiracy against the people of Pakistan, and their Party,
i.e. the PPP.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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As the patient, i.e. PP, by boycotting Jang and Geo Group, is shutting
itself in a shell of its own making to achieve what it wants to achieve, the
realistic way out is to follow the same course of action to get it out of the
communication gap with others. Not only will this break its disconnect, but
will bring the PP to come to communicate with others meaningfully in terms of
norms, rules, laws, constitutional provisions, and adherence to them.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Thus in order to save the country and the nation from the dangerous
consequences of the PP’s populist politics, it is necessary, like the last
ditch effort made to revive a dying patient, to quarantine all the layers of
the PP leadership. May it be suggested that all the private media and news
outlets should not invite any representative of the PP for interview, talk
show, etc, and they should not accept any such invitation from the PP camp
also. Let them chirp on the PTV and Radio Pakistan alone, and lonely. Only the
vital news coming from the government’s quarters should be printed and aired.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Though, no other option seems viable to make the PP leadership realize
the significance of their deliberate disconnect or communication gap with
others but to subject it strictly to rules, laws, and constitutional provisions
operative in the country; however, as a test case a boycott in terms of PP’s
presence on print and electronic media may be resorted to - in the hope of
bringing it to communicate meaningfully with others, and thus be able finally
to deliver!</div>
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Note: This article was completed in October 2010.</div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-24134243800820520372016-11-15T13:55:00.000+05:002016-11-15T13:58:29.946+05:00The American contradiction<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</xml><![endif]--><i>Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations; entangling
alliances with none</i>
<br />
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-Thomas Jefferson, 1743-1826.</div>
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<br />
American people create abundant wealth. So, they are prosperous and
happy. It is only because they are economically freer than many nations on
earth. In consequence, that makes them politically freer. What makes all that
possible is their declaration of independence, constitution, bill of rights,
and their independent courts, which promptly ensure the continuance of rule of
law, which in turn help a free media to exist, and it is this combination that
guarantees personal freedoms to American people: to do whatever they like to
do, of course, under the state and federal laws. Despite their state’s
encroachments on their freedoms especially after 9/11, they are free to pursue
economic, political, social, intellectual, philosophical, moral, spiritual,
aesthetic enterprises, or whatever they like to seek.<br />
<br />
In sum, it is their love for personal freedom that characterises and
distinguishes them from other people. In that they are unique. That should make
them enviable to all other nations that lack this ultra-care for personal
freedom. But this does not form the gist of America. It is something else.<br />
<br />
Let me narrate a personal experience to elaborate on that point.<br />
<br />
In Washington D.C. where the fate of smaller nations is written, what
fascinated me most was the National Archives. It displays some original pages
and initial facsimiles of the American Charters of Freedom, i.e. Declaration of
Independence, US Constitution, and Bill of Rights. It also displays an original
copy of the Magna Carta (1297): the document which foretold the spirit of the
Charters of Freedoms.<br />
<br />
All these documents have been placed in a building of highest grandeur in a way
so that natural light is available therein. In order to protect (or to prolong)
the life of these documents, artificial light has been avoided. Flash
photography is not allowed either. That is fantastic! But that is American also!
These documents are worth a museum, and they have rightly been archived. I do
not know if these documents are available in another building located a few
miles away from the National Archives, i.e. White House. I do not know if
George W. Bush, Jr. has ever read them. I do not know, either, if any
congressman or senator has ever gone through them and understood them well.
What I do know is that American government and especially its foreign policy
has entirely drifted from what those documents signify and what they stand for.<br />
<br />
Also, in the same building are displayed many a quote of the American founding
fathers and other notables which belie what America means today to the world
outside America. Not only in the National Archives, but in other places such as
Jefferson Memorial all the quotes expose the reality of the present-day
America. Here it needs not to go into the details of those quotes, since the
principle of personal freedom is sufficient to make the point. Practically,
this principle manifests itself in a negative assertion, rather than in a
positive one as it appears to be. It may be worded thus: ‘You are free to do
whatever you like until and unless you do not encroach on my freedoms.’ That is
really an achievement of American society and government! I am all praise for
that.<br />
<br />
However, it is not the whole story. You talk to American people what is going
on in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan; in the first instance, they are just
oblivious of it. Or at best, they will offer a personal apology: ‘Oh that is
what I can do! I am sorry for that!’ That does not help much to dispel the
impression that more or less American society is like an island in a world
deeply involved in many such conflicts for which the responsibility rests on
the American government. My argument focuses on that blatant contradiction.<br />
<br />
No doubt, we can retreat to a hermitage, and live there in peace we wish to be
in. But we can never be in such a retreat after harming others. Maybe we are
forgiven once or twice. In case we continue harming other people, and presume
that we will be safe in our retreat, that’s our forgetfulness, to use a
euphemism. We need to know we are going to be chased, and paid in the same
coin. In other words, if we think that rule A is only valid for us, and for other
people there is another rule B, we are living in a contradiction. We know well
we cannot live long in a contradiction. Someone is going to explode that
contradiction. We are in the midst of that explosion.<br />
<br />
So, the sort of a principled foreign policy of American government towards
other people that “you are not free to do whatever you like whether you
encroach on my freedoms or not’ contradicts its sort of a principled internal
policy towards its own people that ‘you are free to do whatever you like until
and unless you do not encroach on my freedoms.’ The point of argument rests on
the understanding that just like American people, every people on earth need a
constitution that ensures them their inalienable personal freedoms, independent
courts that take care of rule of law for them, and a constitutional democratic
government to represent them. Sure, it is no privilege of American people only.
Naturally, it is no privilege of American government to deprive other people of
these necessities. Or for that matter, no nation or people can be allowed this
privilege such as former Soviet Union tried its hand on against which American
government fought both the cold and hot wars so passionately to secure freedom
and human rights for the people in distress.<br />
<br />
In this regard, no excuses, pretexts or expediencies can make for any
allowance. It needs to be realised that 9/11 belongs to a class of effects;
it’s no part of the list of causes. Moreover, whatever the war against terror
requires never means abandoning the principles. How come that Pakistani people
do not need a constitutional government, independent judiciary, rule of law
only because their government has made their country a frontline ally of US
government in the war against terror. Only because a dictator, who has trashed
the Constitution, sent all the superior court judges home to keep himself in
power, and made the country a fiefdom of the elites of Pakistan, pleases the US
government, Pakistani people should have nothing of the sorts.<br />
<br />
This is just outrageous: kill one people to save others and for nothing. The
saner Americans must realise that they are not going to win this war against
terrorism. Beyond envy, religious fanaticism, historical animosity against US,
there is something very real underneath it. It is that blatant contradiction.
It needs to be addressed urgently, and until and unless it is addressed to with
an open mind and heart, nothing is going to make any difference.<br />
<br />
It is for both American people and government to realise that though American
people create abundant wealth, but of course they are not going to create this
wealth continuously if this is going to be spent on such useless wars. It may
go on for another ten, twenty or at most fifty years that such wealth is
available to American government, but in the end, as has been happening in
history, such wars will drain all the resources and energies of the American
people. This is how empires meet their fall. Wars and such whimsical wars
without addressing the core issues resemble death wish.<br />
<br />
That’s the issue. In order to survive both as an epitome and an emblem of
personal freedom for all the people on this earth, American people need to
rejuvenate their government with the fountainhead of Charters of Freedom. They
need to go back to the basics. They need to rediscover those principles
contained in the documents which have been archived. They need a refresher in
their founding fathers’ teachings. They need to let there be equally valid
principles for all the people on this earth. They need to make their government
to win hearts of the people, not the heads of their government. That’s the only
way to save America and not let it meet the tragic end of an empire.</div>
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Note: This article was completed in July 2008. </div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-56384273975911467272016-11-07T10:57:00.001+05:002016-11-07T11:03:27.384+05:00The perils of judicial populism<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<i>Judges rule on the basis of law, not public opinion, and they should be
totally indifferent to the pressures of the times.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></i></div>
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<i><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span></i>- Warren E. Burger
(1907-1995), Chief Justice, US Supreme Court.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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The best thing that explains the Supreme Court's (SC’s) July 20 judgment
is: it is never too late to mend. As is being claimed, the judgment is
historic, it is daring, it is a people's verdict, and a turning point in
Pakistan's history. Of course, it is all these or maybe more, but things are
meaningful only in a context. Without context, they lose their import. This is
more so with the SC's judgment that unanimously reinstated Mr. Justice Iftikhar
Muhammad Chaudhry, Chief Justice (CJ) of Pakistan, setting aside the
presidential reference against him.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Besides its own significance, what makes the judgment unusually
extraordinary are the reservations, apprehensions and misunderstandings being
thrown out from all the quarters concerned, including those who support it.
Hence, it is of utmost importance to be able to see this judgment in its proper
context so that its implications may be figured out.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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There are three temporal contexts the judgment may be placed in: i) What
transpired before the reference was filed against the CJ; ii) What transpired
from the moment the CJ was in the Camp Office of the President of Pakistan and
Chief of Army Staff, General Pervez Musharraf, to the moment the judgment was
announced regarding the CJ’s constitutional petition in the SC of Pakistan, and
iii) What is transpiring now after the judgment and what will transpire in
future.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Let's start with the second context. It is said that the lawyers’
movement for the restoration of the CJ was inspired by political motivations
and that the lawyers were committing to politics. The objection was debated at
every forum. But the whole debate missed the point that neither the CJ nor the
lawyers were motivated by power politics. The lawyers are not a political
party. They are a heterogeneous lot composed of diametrically opposed political
and religious groups and parties. The CJ was (and fortunately is) a government
official and was fighting his case first in the Supreme Judicial Council and
then in the SC of which he was the chief judge. He could not be shown having
any such intentions. Nor has any such evidence come to the fore.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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It was further objected that while traveling to address the Bar
Associations in various cities, he led huge processions. The most 'valid'
objection on his traveling to Peshawar by road may be why he did not fly to
Peshawar? It was the first travel of the CJ after being rendered ‘ineffective’.
He and his lawyers never knew that huge crowds were awaiting the CJ at every
milestone.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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The objection was that holding rallies was the privilege of political
parties’ leaders only, and that the processions were organised by the CJ and
his lawyers to build up a certain campaign. Obviously, it was not like that.
The people came on their own to these rallies to show their appreciation of the
CJ's 'no' to a dictator. After the Peshawar travel and address, the CJ’s
lawyers began the practice of announcing the CJ's schedule about going to a
city to address the Bar Associations beforehand. Did the CJ or lawyers make any
call to the people to come to welcome the CJ? Never!<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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See what the government was doing to establish its ‘writ’, preparing the
affidavits and more references against the CJ in a most bizarre manner. Last
but not least, it was trying to influence the honourable judges hearing the
CJ’s petition. But the question is whether the CJ himself indulged in any such
activity unbecoming of his status. He never spoke a word outside the purview of
the constitution. He made speeches and read papers which highlighted the
constitutional working of a government and, what is most important and
emblematic of his judicial activism, he exhorted the lawyers for massive public
interest litigation. Is all this political?<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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The historic travel of the CJ from Islamabad to Lahore was an
eye-opener. The government and its allies shaped things on May 12 in Karachi.
The Karachi carnage was the decisive point of the battle that was being fought
outside the courtroom, after which apparently the government started retreating
from this front. But as the wind had changed its direction, it had to step back
from this front also, leaving the ban intact on live coverage of the CJ’s
travels and addresses.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Perhaps the government wanted the CJ to sit in his house and see how the
court proceeds and decides about his case. From the government’s point of view,
the legal community should not have come to the CJ’s aid or to his rescue. All
this read together amounts to saying that they should have given the government
and its machinery an arena where it could demonstrate its muscle power. That
this did not happen frustrated the government, and finally made it fatally
helpless. One of the more dangerous objections was that all those CJ’s
processions, rallies and addresses were aimed at influencing the honourable
court. Some of the CJ’s counsel also made the mistake of uttering some public
statements which were unbecoming of them. The statements earned a bad impression
for the lawyers’ movement, which was being waged in the name of the rule of
law.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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The cogency of this objection is fatal. The government, its advocates,
its supporters and other independent observers were right in asking, what’s the
use of this movement if the case is sub judice? They were justified in raising
the questions on the nature, character and objectives of this movement. When
asked would they accept the court's verdict, the counsel of the CJ used to
reply that they would not if it favoured the government. They were further
asked, didn’t they trust the SC? They said they did, but they would not accept
a judgment like Justice Munir’s. How can one trust a thing and at the same time
mistrust it? The lawyers had no clear answer to this objection. They are still
without one.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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If the CJ's case was before the country's highest court of law, what was
the need for the lawyers, civil society organisations, political activists and
ordinary people to come out on the streets? This is the trickiest question that
must be answered to understand the July 20 judgment. Also, this brings us to
the first context: What transpired before the reference was filed against the
CJ?<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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There have been attempts at finding answers to the question of what
transpired before the reference was filed against the Chief Justice (CJ). The
focus is the judiciary’s past character. The boldest statement in this regard
termed the judiciary as the B team of the Pakistan army and appealed to it to
act instead as an A team. The first step towards this transformation of the
judiciary was indicated by the reinstatement of the CJ. It was clarified that
since in the past the judiciary had been legitimizing military takeovers, it
was likely that it did come under pressure of the present military regime to
make an influenced verdict. There is a view that says that had the lawyers not
come out to rescue the CJ, he may have still been in a state of house arrest. It
was the pressure of this movement that got him released.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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When his case was before the full bench, weren’t the lawyers then
supposed not to be around him? Wasn’t it up to the apex court to see to his
petition? Why were the lawyers, civil society and political activists there
then? It was none of their business to be around the CJ. Another such attempt
presently in vogue takes strength from late Justice Dorab Patel. He is being
quoted as justifying his role in the bench that validated the military takeover
of General Ziaul Haq on the plea that how could a few judges stop the coup
leader when a nation of 160 million remained silent?<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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The participation of civil society organisations and political and
religious parties worked as support to the judges in stopping a coup leader.
Does this prove that it was this movement that caused the judgment of July 20?
Of course it did, but in the eyes of only those who hold such a view. It is the
view of those who are Dorabians and believe that without such a movement no such
judgment could have come from the full bench of the apex court. It means that
the custodian of the Constitution, the judiciary, needs the people’s support to
protect, defend and interpret the Constitution. Without this support, the July
20 verdict could not be such a historic one. If it is so, and as it seems it is
so, it is most unfortunate for our country and the constitution as well.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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It is here that we enter the third context. What is transpiring now
after the judgment and what will transpire in future regarding the judgment?
The ethos created by the judgment may appropriately be termed as judicial
populism. Under the circumstances, what is more depressing is that we have no
inkling of how dangerous and fatal this judicial populism may prove to be. This
view is corroborated by the sheer absence of the view that judgments are made
in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. Whoever talks about the
July 20 judgment, links it with the lawyers’ movement.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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They admit that judges are human beings and are influenced by the
circumstances prevailing outside the court. But in the same breath, they
declare that they judge according to the relevant laws. They are, in fact,
caught in a vicious circle. They have no way out. Why? Because they do not want
to acknowledge that their movement was a spontaneous outrage against an
outrageous act of a dictator that was deliberately transformed into an
organised movement. The focus of their movement was the restoration of the CJ
and nothing else. It is evident that it has exhausted itself the moment its
goal was achieved.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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No doubt, their movement gave rise to slogans of utmost importance such
as an independent judiciary, rule of law, supremacy of the constitution, and
civilian democratic rule. Have these goals been achieved? Or will they be
achieved in the near future? The first step in this direction has already been
taken with the restoration of the CJ and undermining of the anti-constitution
forces and strengthening of the judiciary. Some of the signs, such as the
intimidation of lawyers who disagreed with the mainstream lawyers and advocated
the government’s case, now seem to have started maturing. Two recent incidents
of intimidation — one of a known journalist Khalil Malik, and the other of a
lawyer Naeem Bukhari by the legal fraternity — are symptomatic. This indicates
that the lawyers’ movement is deliberately being transformed into judicial
populism.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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It may be asked why were the lawyers afraid of losing the fight? Why
didn’t they trust the court? Why did they resort to agitation? Why even now are
they and the representatives of civil society and the intelligentsia justifying
the popular support to the court to deliver a popular judgment? The truth in
fact is that they did not trust the court. Why so? The history of the court’s
judgments in such matters has been disappointing altogether. It seemed as if
there was no constitution. The courts were there to cook whatever was needed to
be offered to the uniformed guests. With such a background, how can one, and if
that one happens to be a lawyer who knows well the track record of the courts,
trust the courts?<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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But that’s not all. The story needs to be retold. The man who inhabits
the land of Pakistan has no moral values. He has no integrity of character. He
is a man of flesh only. He is not a man of principle. He has no regard for the
means. His ends justify his means. He has no conscience. In sum, the quality of
man in Pakistan is at its lowest. How can then judges go beyond this state of
affairs? It is admitted even today by everyone. Judges, whether retired or not,
argue like this. After all judges are human beings. This justifies every act of
theirs.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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People cannot be blamed for whatever has happened. What is required of a
judge is integrity of character. Judicial populism, in many people’s view,
destroys whatever little is left of the rule of law in Pakistan. It will
destroy supremacy of the Constitution, independence of the judiciary, and turn
the society of Pakistan into adventurous warring groups of gangsters. My Lords,
so many people like me who believe in the rule of law, need to be convinced
that you did not need any popular movement to issue the July 20 verdict.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Note: This article was completed in August 2007.</div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-560792643032566002016-11-07T10:57:00.000+05:002016-11-07T10:58:19.552+05:00The perils of judicial populism<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: small;"><i>Judges rule on the basis of law, not public opinion, and they should be totally indifferent to the pressures of the times.</i></span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;">- Warren E. Burger (1907-1995), Chief Justice, US Supreme Court.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">The best thing that explains the Supreme Court's (SC’s) July 20 judgment is: it is never too late to mend. As is being claimed, the judgment is historic, it is daring, it is a people's verdict, and a turning point in Pakistan's history. Of course, it is all these or maybe more, but things are meaningful only in a context. Without context, they lose their import. This is more so with the SC's judgment that unanimously reinstated Mr. Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, Chief Justice (CJ) of Pakistan, setting aside the presidential reference against him.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Besides its own significance, what makes the judgment unusually extraordinary are the reservations, apprehensions and misunderstandings being thrown out from all the quarters concerned, including those who support it. Hence, it is of utmost importance to be able to see this judgment in its proper context so that its implications may be figured out.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">There are three temporal contexts the judgment may be placed in: i) What transpired before the reference was filed against the CJ; ii) What transpired from the moment the CJ was in the Camp Office of the President of Pakistan and Chief of Army Staff, General Pervez Musharraf, to the moment the judgment was announced regarding the CJ’s constitutional petition in the SC of Pakistan, and iii) What is transpiring now after the judgment and what will transpire in future.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Let's start with the second context. It is said that the lawyers’ movement for the restoration of the CJ was inspired by political motivations and that the lawyers were committing to politics. The objection was debated at every forum. But the whole debate missed the point that neither the CJ nor the lawyers were motivated by power politics. The lawyers are not a political party. They are a heterogeneous lot composed of diametrically opposed political and religious groups and parties. The CJ was (and fortunately is) a government official and was fighting his case first in the Supreme Judicial Council and then in the SC of which he was the chief judge. He could not be shown having any such intentions. Nor has any such evidence come to the fore.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">It was further objected that while traveling to address the Bar Associations in various cities, he led huge processions. The most 'valid' objection on his traveling to Peshawar by road may be why he did not fly to Peshawar? It was the first travel of the CJ after being rendered ‘ineffective’. He and his lawyers never knew that huge crowds were awaiting the CJ at every milestone.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">The objection was that holding rallies was the privilege of political parties’ leaders only, and that the processions were organised by the CJ and his lawyers to build up a certain campaign. Obviously, it was not like that. The people came on their own to these rallies to show their appreciation of the CJ's 'no' to a dictator. After the Peshawar travel and address, the CJ’s lawyers began the practice of announcing the CJ's schedule about going to a city to address the Bar Associations beforehand. Did the CJ or lawyers make any call to the people to come to welcome the CJ? Never!</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">See what the government was doing to establish its ‘writ’, preparing the affidavits and more references against the CJ in a most bizarre manner. Last but not least, it was trying to influence the honourable judges hearing the CJ’s petition. But the question is whether the CJ himself indulged in any such activity unbecoming of his status. He never spoke a word outside the purview of the constitution. He made speeches and read papers which highlighted the constitutional working of a government and, what is most important and emblematic of his judicial activism, he exhorted the lawyers for massive public interest litigation. Is all this political?</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">The historic travel of the CJ from Islamabad to Lahore was an eye-opener. The government and its allies shaped things on May 12 in Karachi. The Karachi carnage was the decisive point of the battle that was being fought outside the courtroom, after which apparently the government started retreating from this front. But as the wind had changed its direction, it had to step back from this front also, leaving the ban intact on live coverage of the CJ’s travels and addresses.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Perhaps the government wanted the CJ to sit in his house and see how the court proceeds and decides about his case. From the government’s point of view, the legal community should not have come to the CJ’s aid or to his rescue. All this read together amounts to saying that they should have given the government and its machinery an arena where it could demonstrate its muscle power. That this did not happen frustrated the government, and finally made it fatally helpless. One of the more dangerous objections was that all those CJ’s processions, rallies and addresses were aimed at influencing the honourable court. Some of the CJ’s counsel also made the mistake of uttering some public statements which were unbecoming of them. The statements earned a bad impression for the lawyers’ movement, which was being waged in the name of the rule of law.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">The cogency of this objection is fatal. The government, its advocates, its supporters and other independent observers were right in asking, what’s the use of this movement if the case is sub judice? They were justified in raising the questions on the nature, character and objectives of this movement. When asked would they accept the court's verdict, the counsel of the CJ used to reply that they would not if it favoured the government. They were further asked, didn’t they trust the SC? They said they did, but they would not accept a judgment like Justice Munir’s. How can one trust a thing and at the same time mistrust it? The lawyers had no clear answer to this objection. They are still without one.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">If the CJ's case was before the country's highest court of law, what was the need for the lawyers, civil society organisations, political activists and ordinary people to come out on the streets? This is the trickiest question that must be answered to understand the July 20 judgment. Also, this brings us to the first context: What transpired before the reference was filed against the CJ?</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">There have been attempts at finding answers to the question of what transpired before the reference was filed against the Chief Justice (CJ). The focus is the judiciary’s past character. The boldest statement in this regard termed the judiciary as the B team of the Pakistan army and appealed to it to act instead as an A team. The first step towards this transformation of the judiciary was indicated by the reinstatement of the CJ. It was clarified that since in the past the judiciary had been legitimizing military takeovers, it was likely that it did come under pressure of the present military regime to make an influenced verdict. There is a view that says that had the lawyers not come out to rescue the CJ, he may have still been in a state of house arrest. It was the pressure of this movement that got him released.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">When his case was before the full bench, weren’t the lawyers then supposed not to be around him? Wasn’t it up to the apex court to see to his petition? Why were the lawyers, civil society and political activists there then? It was none of their business to be around the CJ. Another such attempt presently in vogue takes strength from late Justice Dorab Patel. He is being quoted as justifying his role in the bench that validated the military takeover of General Ziaul Haq on the plea that how could a few judges stop the coup leader when a nation of 160 million remained silent?</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">The participation of civil society organisations and political and religious parties worked as support to the judges in stopping a coup leader. Does this prove that it was this movement that caused the judgment of July 20? Of course it did, but in the eyes of only those who hold such a view. It is the view of those who are Dorabians and believe that without such a movement no such judgment could have come from the full bench of the apex court. It means that the custodian of the Constitution, the judiciary, needs the people’s support to protect, defend and interpret the Constitution. Without this support, the July 20 verdict could not be such a historic one. If it is so, and as it seems it is so, it is most unfortunate for our country and the constitution as well.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">It is here that we enter the third context. What is transpiring now after the judgment and what will transpire in future regarding the judgment? The ethos created by the judgment may appropriately be termed as judicial populism. Under the circumstances, what is more depressing is that we have no inkling of how dangerous and fatal this judicial populism may prove to be. This view is corroborated by the sheer absence of the view that judgments are made in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. Whoever talks about the July 20 judgment, links it with the lawyers’ movement.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">They admit that judges are human beings and are influenced by the circumstances prevailing outside the court. But in the same breath, they declare that they judge according to the relevant laws. They are, in fact, caught in a vicious circle. They have no way out. Why? Because they do not want to acknowledge that their movement was a spontaneous outrage against an outrageous act of a dictator that was deliberately transformed into an organised movement. The focus of their movement was the restoration of the CJ and nothing else. It is evident that it has exhausted itself the moment its goal was achieved.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">No doubt, their movement gave rise to slogans of utmost importance such as an independent judiciary, rule of law, supremacy of the constitution, and civilian democratic rule. Have these goals been achieved? Or will they be achieved in the near future? The first step in this direction has already been taken with the restoration of the CJ and undermining of the anti-constitution forces and strengthening of the judiciary. Some of the signs, such as the intimidation of lawyers who disagreed with the mainstream lawyers and advocated the government’s case, now seem to have started maturing. Two recent incidents of intimidation — one of a known journalist Khalil Malik, and the other of a lawyer Naeem Bukhari by the legal fraternity — are symptomatic. This indicates that the lawyers’ movement is deliberately being transformed into judicial populism.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">It may be asked why were the lawyers afraid of losing the fight? Why didn’t they trust the court? Why did they resort to agitation? Why even now are they and the representatives of civil society and the intelligentsia justifying the popular support to the court to deliver a popular judgment? The truth in fact is that they did not trust the court. Why so? The history of the court’s judgments in such matters has been disappointing altogether. It seemed as if there was no constitution. The courts were there to cook whatever was needed to be offered to the uniformed guests. With such a background, how can one, and if that one happens to be a lawyer who knows well the track record of the courts, trust the courts?</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">But that’s not all. The story needs to be retold. The man who inhabits the land of Pakistan has no moral values. He has no integrity of character. He is a man of flesh only. He is not a man of principle. He has no regard for the means. His ends justify his means. He has no conscience. In sum, the quality of man in Pakistan is at its lowest. How can then judges go beyond this state of affairs? It is admitted even today by everyone. Judges, whether retired or not, argue like this. After all judges are human beings. This justifies every act of theirs.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">People cannot be blamed for whatever has happened. What is required of a judge is integrity of character. Judicial populism, in many people’s view, destroys whatever little is left of the rule of law in Pakistan. It will destroy supremacy of the Constitution, independence of the judiciary, and turn the society of Pakistan into adventurous warring groups of gangsters. My Lords, so many people like me who believe in the rule of law, need to be convinced that you did not need any popular movement to issue the July 20 verdict.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">Note: This article was completed in August 2007.</span></div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-22097018000717967072016-09-07T23:29:00.000+05:002016-09-07T23:30:19.342+05:00Media consumption?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
The
theory of media consumption stands vindicated in Pakistan!<br />
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The
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On
June 29 the Federal Defense Minister, Ahmed Mukhtar, who had been sleeping all
through the May 2 Abbottabad-Osama-Bin-Laden and May 23 PNS-Mehran-Karachi
happenings, awoke to talk to a group of journalists apprising them that
Pakistan had asked Washington to vacate the Shamsi airbase in Balochistan which
was used to launch Drone strikes against the militants. The Minister remained
awake to tell the Reuters on the following day that Islamabad had been pressing
the US to leave the base even before the 'Abbottabad incursion' and did so
again after the 'incursion.'</div>
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Very
next day, the message had already generated its rebuke. The US officials in
Washington reacted that there was no plan to vacate the base.</div>
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Then
it was on July 1 that the Federal Minister for Information, Dr. Firdous Ashiq
Awan, had to settle the matter. She while talking to media persons in Lahore
declared: "It was just a statement for the media." She clarified that
'she was a member of the defense committee and the matter was not discussed
there.'</div>
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Is
there something such as for the consumption of media? Should there be something
such as for the consumption of media? If so, as is the case, what is media for,
then? To consume? To consume endlessly? Yeah, it's a voracious consumer, 24
hour consumer. Now, they say it is its freedom what it chooses to consume? But
this freedom of it does not work for a 24 hour long day; that means it has to
consume sometime or most of the time it has no choice in having it on its
table, and it depends on the nature of its appetite and its taste. There the
governments find room to bring in the media to consume they want it to consume;
though, there are many other ways governments have got to regulate the appetite
and taste of the media.</div>
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Functionally,
media is sort of an information bridge between the rulers and the ruled. But it
has come to be a one-way bridge at best, and most of the time. The two-way
traffic on this bridge is not allowed and needs media-men like Omar Cheema and
Saleem Shahzad, and may cost life. This is this one-way traffic about which the
Federal Information Minister alluded when she brushed aside her government's
Defense Minister's substantive talk by terming it something which was meant for
the media. Why do media need such stuff? Of course, it does not need any such
thing (or otherwise), for its own sake, or for its staff, or for its bosses, or
for nothing? Obviously, it goes to the citizens of the country with what it
picks up from here and there, or is "given" to it by X, Y or Z. After
separating wheat from chaff it brings it to its end-users.</div>
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However,
it is here that it sets itself to consuming chaff, and not wheat. That is what
the Information Minister alluded to. The media picked up what the Defense
Minister threw or the Information Minister threw and brought it up to its
viewers, the citizens, who are ultimate end-users. In other words, what
Information Minister dubbed as 'for media consumption' is for the consumption
of the viewers, the citizens, finally.</div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
That
is what is known as Public Consumption. Also, government has laws and rules
such as official secret acts, or classified information; it goes beyond that
and conceals its affairs from the citizens, and makes their leaking a crime. In
addition to concealing its affairs, government lies as well as misleads the
citizens. It contrives incomplete, incorrect and false information which they
mean for “public consumption.” In this game, the media serves as a tool of the
government. Otherwise, what else the Information Minister's 'for the media
consumption' may amount to?</div>
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<br /></div>
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As
no one from the media protested over the Information Minister's 'for the media'
theory, it meant not only the media is ready to consume such misleading stuff;
it is ready to mislead its viewers also. The question is: Is media an
accomplice in the Great Crime being committed in Pakistan against its citizens?</div>
</div>
Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-21894655328782887932016-08-23T18:49:00.002+05:002016-08-23T18:52:45.324+05:00Siege from within<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</xml><![endif]-->When creative spirit of a nation is arrested from within, it is as
vulnerable to external insinuations as is to internal machinations, and can
never make any progress.<br />
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<br />
“Pakistan is under siege.”<br />
<br />
We had enemies from the very first day. With time, the list of our enemies grew
longer. So much so that today we have neighbors not friendly to us and a world
all hostile to us. We are alone in a wilderness created of our own. Isn’t it
Greek mythology whose gods and monsters we have resurrected in ourselves? Like
the one-eyed monster, we have no second eye to look inward. This on the one
hand has transformed us completely into subjects perfectly suitable for
psychological pursuits. Or, for instance, how can a judge of a higher court
find fault with bare feet of a dancer, and ban it? Or how can his ability and
capacity to judge be explained? (One of my friends says it’s a foot fetish!) Go
through any book of psychology, and see we are afflicted with almost all the
disorders identified there.<br />
<br />
On the other hand, this lack of inner eye has deprived us of that touch of
philosophical contemplation and composition which is so integral to the
continuity of peaceful human co-existence. In every nook and cranny of our
society, from a hut to GHQ, and from a patient to the President, we have laid
Procrustean beds and are on guard no one unfits it. Those who are over-sized
are cut down, and those who are under-sized are pulled up to match the bed’s
length. In a sense, we watered and environmentaled all the seeds to grow into
the same and, lo, we have Bonsais all around us. Rather, we have shrubs unheard
of in the botanical history which are eating out one another, and stretching
their tentacles to far off lands to gulp others; it is as if we are working on
an agenda of self-annihilation.<br />
<br />
At the same time, we have started ‘exporting’ our principles of experimentation
with human beings to other regions also. We are packaging our Procrustean beds
for other people, and use all means fair or unfair to ‘market-impose’ them, and
are thus causing other people to revive their own Procrustean beds and bring
them again into practice. This may turn the whole world into a big Procrustean
bed!<br />
<br />
Alas, our ideological adventurers are no better than Procrustes. In a sense,
they are worse! Procrustes used to hack off or stretch his victims to fit his
bed, we kill all who unfit our beds, and in some cases, we kill all no matter
they fit or unfit our beds. We have left Procrustes far behind in sizing human
beings.<br />
<br />
How’s that that we have turned into such monsters? Are we different from other
people genetically? Some people believe that is so; but that is an expression
of distrust and anger. All of us belong to the same progenitor. It is mainly
our mental, intellectual, psychological and philosophical make-up and thus our
behavior that differentiates us from each other. Otherwise we are the same
biological entity.<br />
<br />
As it is, like others we are a product of two things, first, what we are
endowed with by birth, and second, what we learn and acquire on our own. We are
all born with almost the same capacity to learn unless it is some disability
that retards us; so naturally there is complete freedom available to everyone
to learn and acquire what he wants to learn and acquire. In a sense, it’s the
ultimate freedom that if realized can enable us to be master of our destiny.
That is, we are free to be what we want to be.<br />
<br />
However, some of us happen to make a discovery of an immeasurable magnitude.
Somehow, they come to believe that they are free to be what they want to be,
and in addition to that, they are free to force others to be what those people
do or do not want to be. Such people in fact try to be master of others’
destiny, and deprive them of their freedom. Not only do they use every
opportunity and manner to further their Procrustean agenda, they manipulate
what is available and manufacture what is needed to achieve their Procrustean
objectives. They have no regard for what exists outside of them.<br />
<br />
It is rather an edgy difference that distinguishes such people who live to
control and mould other people’s lives according to their ideas from those who
teach and preach other people to live in accordance with their philosophies.
It’s no matter of persuasion or submission, i.e. getting someone converted to
your ideas on the one hand by using rhetoric or reason or reward, and on the
other, by using fear or force or fraud. This difference is informed among other
things by the eternal issue of means and ends, i.e. ends do not justify means.
Hence, if one wants to persuade or coerce others into submitting to his ideas
there is an inherent danger of curtailing or snatching other people’s freedom.
That way others lose their freedom. The issue of corporal punishment to
learners is a derivative of the same debate.<br />
<br />
But to make this debate possible and also to have it to continue, a theory of
conduct is desperately needed in Pakistan. This actually is a sine qua non for
all existence let alone for the human existence. That, everyone is free to have
his ideas, change them, abandon them, and dispose of them in whatever manner he
deems fit, and at the same time he is all free to live according to his own
ideas. That no one with whatsoever mandate, personal or otherwise, has any
authority to impose himself upon others and to take back others’ freedom on any
pretext personal or otherwise. All knowledge presupposes this freedom.<br />
<br />
It may be objected that it is practically socially impossible to allow so many
individuals to live like that save at the expense of social harmony and peace.
That may be so! However, first there is morality and then there is law that
takes care of the difference, discord, disharmony, and conflict and clash among
individuals of a community.<br />
<br />
Morality needs no enforcement; it is sort of self-discipline and a pragmatic
way of life though for those who know the value of moral principles and their
centrality to human co-existence. Law requires to be enforced by an authority.
In this it is as lame as morality. Both are intrinsically orphan waiting to be
adopted by some foster parents: moral principles are open to be adopted by,
rather obligatory for, every individual be he an ordinary or an extraordinary
person, whereas law must be enforced by an authority, which is nothing more
than a collection of persons, duly vested with its enforcement. It is of the
nature of law that its ignorance by anyone is never construed as an excuse to
seek alibi, instead it is binding to all and all are equal before law.<br />
<br />
This does not mean that both morality and law lie entirely within their own
independent realms. How can we elevate a person to a law office who is morally
corrupt? The issue of the present chief justice’s daughter’s enhanced marks is
a case in point. Also, how can an outlaw be declared morally upright? The case
of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari is not entirely irrelevant provided he should have been
cleared by an independent court of all the accusations and allegations brought
against him by anyone. Morality preconditions, contextualizes and encompasses
law.<br />
<br />
Against this backdrop, present circumstances of the Pakistani state are
extremely hopeless. It needs no painstaking to bring out the rampant
moral-lessness, value-lessness, and law-lessness at every level of our society.
We are all witness to it. Rather, part of it. But isn’t it the same cliché
everyone is wont of using? Yeah, apparently it seems so. But the argument this
article is going to make is different.<br />
<br />
To blame all or to accuse all is jut meaningless. Likewise, to characterize a
society by anything is just like crying over spilt milk. To say that Pakistani
society has no morals, no values, no norms, and no principles to follow or that
it is a lawless society is just empty talk. Also, it does not mean, as is
usually implied, that there are good moral principled or law-abiding people in
every society, and we have our share of such goody-goodies.<br />
<br />
As argued earlier, the nature of morals is different from laws; no prescribed
punishment is attached with them and everyone is free to follow or defy them,
so no responsibility can be fixed for transgressing morals or values, norms or
principles. In that they are a private thing. Some private organizations and
institutions use them as laws, i.e. they punish their members or employees in
case of violations of their adopted norms. They are private because no one owns
and implement them, i.e. no collective authority possesses them and their
enforcement. Hence, the meaningless and emptiness of the statement that our
society is devoid of all morals, values, norms and principles! Hence, the lack
of fixing any responsibility whatsoever for any violation by anyone!<br />
<br />
That’s completely different in the realm of laws. All the laws are absolutely
meaningful and full of content. We may decry them, analyze them, and expose
their content and intent. All the laws are written with clearly defined terms
of punishment in case of their violation. We may criticize and declare these as
inhuman or savage. This enables the fixing of responsibility beyond any doubt
at least within a demarcated domain of adjudication. That is why all the
statements made on the bases of law always amount to clearly defined meanings
and fixed responsibility.<br />
<br />
Thus, when this article talks of Pakistan as a lawless society, and as a
society without any morals or values or norms, it definitely means something
different from just what the above-mentioned cliché hints at. What this article
means is clearly in terms of fixing responsibility, and of course not just the
lamentable state of our society. It talks of a definite relationship between
morality and law as it manifests in our society. In other words, it purports to
formulate a thesis that throughout the six decades of Pakistan the absence of
rule of law has negatively impacted on all of our moral and social values, and
the efficacy of norms and principles for a virtuous life, and thus the
responsibility both for turning Pakistan into a lawless society and utter
degradation of the values is but on the shoulders of those who were lawfully
and constitutionally vested with establishing rule of law, dispensing justice,
and protecting life and property, and rights and freedoms of all the citizens
of Pakistan without any discrimination, and also those who were lawfully
designated to aid in the fulfillment of these basic duties of the state but
instead of following their lawful functions they violated them with pronounced
disregard, and it were they who played the major and active role in destroying
the value system in Pakistan. No damage is greater than that.<br />
<br />
Thus, it is the utter disregard for law and its deliberate trashing verily by
those who were trusted with its sanctity and custody that hacked at the root of
all morality. As in spite of many a religious teaching and their doctrine of
reward and punishment, and as it is evident from people’s outward behavior and
practically from their actions also, that they have already learned that that
is all what is here in this world. Likewise, centuries’ experience of lawless
and immoral governments and rulers made people learn how to live without any
value system or in the midst of a value system that is based on the efficacy of
force. This experience may be generalized thus: it is the absence of rule of
law that nourishes and strengthens not only law-lessness but moral-lessness and
value-lessness also. Because, in a sense, in such a society sticking to morals,
values and principles does not pay. In our case, it is more than that since
instead of paying it makes one lose what he already possesses. Hence, in a perfect
vacuum of law majority of people abandon all morality.<br />
<br />
In point of fact, if we do not let laws rule, reign of lawlessness will
prevail. If we do not establish rule of law, rule of criminals will emerge. If
the rule of criminals establishes itself, all the traces of morality will
disappear. What else have we got in Pakistan other than that? Actually the
absence of rule of law was not accidental in Pakistan. It was not done in
ignorance. It is a cold-blooded crime. What greater evidence is required to prove
that point but the way the rule of law movement has been thwarted first by the
military elite and then by the Pakistan Peoples Party government in unison with
their masters. This has pushed the crisis to its peak point where endures no
law and no morality in Pakistan.<br />
<br />
There are three main culprits lawfully and constitutionally responsible for
bringing Pakistan on the brink of the precipice. First, it is the military
elite which represent force; second, it is the judicial elite which represent
law; and then, it is the political elite which represent democratic mandate.
Far from fulfilling their lawful and constitutional duties all these elites
constantly acted in violation of those duties. Instead of honoring their
constitutional mandates, all these elites stepped out of their constitutional
domains and made a travesty of everything from law and constitution of the land
to morality. Last but not least, they all in collusion seized the state of
Pakistan and set to further their elitist agenda to the best of their
interests.<br />
<br />
Briefly dwelling on their destructive role, it is sufficient to mention that:
how the military elite staged coups, suspended and disfigured the constitution,
ruled the country by force, and exercised its influence from behind while it was
not present on the scene. How the judicial elite validated these coups starkly
against the dictates of the constitution, allowed the transgressors to rule and
to amend the constitution. How the political elite perennially betrayed their
democratic mandate and the cause of the fundamental rights of the people who
put them into power, how it played in the hands of the military elite and how
in complicity with it it never let those institutions, such as independent
judiciary, rule of law, come into existence and strengthen which could
safeguard the rights and freedoms of the people, and how it validated the
dictators-forced amendments in the constitution.<br />
<br />
The worst form of lawlessness which we are witnessing today in most of the
areas of Pakistan such as those on the border of Afghanistan and the biggest
city of Karachi is the ultimate result of all these criminalities of these
elites. Their grabbing and transforming of Pakistan into an elitist state was
the greatest tragedy that could happen to a country. These elites deprived the
state of Pakistan from playing its due role, i.e. the role of an arbitrator,
mediator, moderator, and a referee, the task of which is to arbitrate, mediate,
moderate, and referee between the two or more disputant parties and settle and
resolve the conflict to the satisfaction of both or all irrespective of the
nature of those conflicts which may belong to the realm of civil, political,
economic rights, or relating to the fundamental rights and freedoms of the
citizens. In other words, they stripped the state of its protective function,
i.e. protection of its citizens’ life, property and rights and freedom.<br />
<br />
At the worst, these elites made the state of Pakistan itself one of the
disputant parties. Not only politically, and economically, did the state stand
by one party but spiritually and religiously also it took sides, and emerged as
a contestant itself. This divided the society deeply negatively, and turned
Pakistan permanently into an arena where countless tugs of wars were and are
being fought to gain the control over the state. The resultant internal strife
consumed the energies of both the state and the society of Pakistan. It’s the
same fire that is burning us today.<br />
<br />
It is in this context that the nature and intent of the Objectives Resolution
may best be explained though it contained cursory mention to people’s
fundamental rights too. Also, this helps understand the acute constitutional
crisis that afflicted Pakistan in its formative years till the constitution of
1973 was agreed upon and enforced. In retrospective, it is easier to analyze
how this constitution was made possible in 1973.<br />
<br />
Actually, the period till 1973 is all fraught with a neck and neck fight
between the two major elites, military and political to take control of the
state. The making and unmaking of various governments and constitutions during
this period is sufficient to prove the point. The judicial elite being too week
to take sides on its own, permanently relaxed in the lap of the powerful one;
while the political elite when apparently in power always, as it is doing
today, tried to subdue it to its dictates but failed repeatedly.<br />
<br />
However, it was in the early 1970s that in the wake of the first general
elections and the subsequent cut-throat power struggle between two major victor
parties, i.e. Awami League and Pakistan Peoples Party, in which military elite
put its weight on the side of the political elite of the Western wing of
Pakistan, and as a result of which Bangladesh came into being, that the military
elite was at its weakest. The war that Pakistan army lost in the Eastern wing
found about a hundred thousand of its army men as prisoners of war in India and
it had left that elite too frail and unprepared to assert itself and its
supremacy. That is how the constitution of 1973 sailed through. As it is, the
hands that resuscitated the fainted patient were hacked off just after four
years in 1977 and once again the military elite established its rule.<br />
<br />
Thus, the state of Pakistan gradually reached a point where today it has lost
all moral and constitutional legitimacy. By taking on a role of a party and
completely abandoning its protective role and the role of a mediator and
referee, it let the Pandora’s political box open. From the very beginning ensued
a fierce struggle between the various sections of the society, in addition to
the two bigger elites the military and the politicians, to gain the control of
the state which with the passage of time intensified. All the power politics,
and its offshoots such as the military takeovers, constitutional breakdowns,
political, economic, cultural and religious persecutions are the major
milestones on this way down.<br />
<br />
It was during the last days of the People’s Government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
that the Pandora’s religious box’s lid was slid a bit (the Pandora’s economic
box had already been smashed into pieces in his government’s earlier years),
but it was wide-open during the 3rd military coup when General Zia-ul-Haq’s
Martial Law disfigured everything civil, moral, lawful and constitutional in
Pakistan. Since then, we have witnessed the creation of a number of (and
strengthening of the previously existing) armed and un-armed political and
non-political, religious and non-religious mafia like groups vying for the control
of the state to enforce their agendas. The armed groups found the
Zia-ul-Haqqian environment especially conducive for their growth.<br />
<br />
The same phenomenon of the absence of a genuinely neutralized and legitimized
state let loose countless autonomous entities, from individual persons to
well-knit groups, which monopolized the use of force to promote their interests
and ideologies. They started making use of every thing and every means no
matter moral or immoral, legal or illegal, constitutional or un-constitutional,
peaceful or forceful, to compel the individual citizens to believe and behave
but in accordance with their prescribed ideological manuals. This gave rise, in
addition to political and economic, to moral and cultural policing in every
street and at every road throughout Pakistan. In sum, that was the final touch
to the siege from within.<br />
<br />
That siege from within arrested the creative and enterprising spirit of the
nation and left it in a completely dried, wrung and barren state. No sphere of
life, learning, earning and recreation could escape that mischievous moral
policing. Woman was particularly the target of that devilry. She was no more an
individual; rather debased to the status of a soul-less object. The tentacles
of moral policing trespassed every encirclement of human civilization from
one’s privacy to the premises of someone’s home. No one remained safe even
within one’s house. The lot of the ordinary people was made miserable; they
were turned into helpless prisoners in their own homes.<br />
<br />
Socially and politically, it begot the worst type of parasites. As the siege
retarded the real spontaneous growth, a parasitic economy emerged. From a
pariah to a president, no one was happy to earn fairly and honestly. Everyone
who got the opportunity whether he was a laborer or an industrialist tried to
take advantage of it to amass wealth by grabbing other people’s money i.e. tax
money in whatever manner he could do that. All politics became the art of
living and living lavishly at the expense of others. Outside government, goons
and mafia live like that.<br />
<br />
Such are the times and circumstances we are living in. That’s the Pakistan we
are having today. This article has only generalized what is happening around.
No examples have been given since they abound. No mentions have been made, save
a few, since there are innumerable staring us in the face. The first thing we
need to know is that we are not under siege from outside, but from within.
That’s the hard truth! That is what this article has attempted to show. Also,
it has tried to show how that siege was laid to.<br />
<br />
However, what this article has avoided to venture at is why we were besieged
from within? That such a question pertains to the realm of psychology which may
not provide us with a satisfactory answer is what the writer has no quarrel
with. In his view, even if we find the answer to that question why an oppressor
behaves like an oppressor, it will not help a bit to stop him from behaving
like that.<br />
<br />
Also, it is the weaker, the oppressed one who is the real culprit; it is he who
lets the oppressor oppress him whereas it is characteristic of the human spirit
that it is absolutely free, i.e. we have an absolutely free soul. When one
makes him believe that he has been besieged, he is not free. He is free only
when he fights to break the siege. It is admitted that harder is to fight
against the siege from within than from without because our enemy is inside us.
But fight we have to go for.<br />
<br />
Thus the second thing we need to know is that we are free and we can make that
siege disappear. What is possible and is practicable is that we the ordinary
people, we the oppressed ones, we the besieged ones, do not let the oppressor
oppress us, the besieger besiege us. We need to be self-assured that we are not
victims, that we are free people. It is as simple as that. It is our natural
and inalienable right not to be besieged by anyone, not to be oppressed by
anyone. But by just law alone! In case, we have been oppressed, laid siege to,
be it from within or without, it is morally incumbent on us to assert and stand
for our rights and freedoms, and struggle for that siege to be lifted. That’s
the simple way ahead to the resolution of our complex problems! That’s what we
are required to follow in Pakistan for the siege from within to be lifted once
and for all to regain the lost paradise of our rights and freedoms!</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
Note: This article was completed in December 2008.</div>
</div>
Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-45315847554496292162016-08-23T18:49:00.001+05:002016-08-23T18:52:22.859+05:00Siege from within<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</xml><![endif]-->When creative spirit of a nation is arrested from within, it is as
vulnerable to external insinuations as is to internal machinations, and can
never make any progress.<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="LTR" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
<br />
“Pakistan is under siege.”<br />
<br />
We had enemies from the very first day. With time, the list of our enemies grew
longer. So much so that today we have neighbors not friendly to us and a world
all hostile to us. We are alone in a wilderness created of our own. Isn’t it
Greek mythology whose gods and monsters we have resurrected in ourselves? Like
the one-eyed monster, we have no second eye to look inward. This on the one
hand has transformed us completely into subjects perfectly suitable for
psychological pursuits. Or, for instance, how can a judge of a higher court
find fault with bare feet of a dancer, and ban it? Or how can his ability and
capacity to judge be explained? (One of my friends says it’s a foot fetish!) Go
through any book of psychology, and see we are afflicted with almost all the
disorders identified there.<br />
<br />
On the other hand, this lack of inner eye has deprived us of that touch of
philosophical contemplation and composition which is so integral to the
continuity of peaceful human co-existence. In every nook and cranny of our
society, from a hut to GHQ, and from a patient to the President, we have laid
Procrustean beds and are on guard no one unfits it. Those who are over-sized
are cut down, and those who are under-sized are pulled up to match the bed’s
length. In a sense, we watered and environmentaled all the seeds to grow into
the same and, lo, we have Bonsais all around us. Rather, we have shrubs unheard
of in the botanical history which are eating out one another, and stretching
their tentacles to far off lands to gulp others; it is as if we are working on
an agenda of self-annihilation.<br />
<br />
At the same time, we have started ‘exporting’ our principles of experimentation
with human beings to other regions also. We are packaging our Procrustean beds
for other people, and use all means fair or unfair to ‘market-impose’ them, and
are thus causing other people to revive their own Procrustean beds and bring
them again into practice. This may turn the whole world into a big Procrustean
bed!<br />
<br />
Alas, our ideological adventurers are no better than Procrustes. In a sense,
they are worse! Procrustes used to hack off or stretch his victims to fit his
bed, we kill all who unfit our beds, and in some cases, we kill all no matter
they fit or unfit our beds. We have left Procrustes far behind in sizing human
beings.<br />
<br />
How’s that that we have turned into such monsters? Are we different from other
people genetically? Some people believe that is so; but that is an expression
of distrust and anger. All of us belong to the same progenitor. It is mainly
our mental, intellectual, psychological and philosophical make-up and thus our
behavior that differentiates us from each other. Otherwise we are the same
biological entity.<br />
<br />
As it is, like others we are a product of two things, first, what we are
endowed with by birth, and second, what we learn and acquire on our own. We are
all born with almost the same capacity to learn unless it is some disability
that retards us; so naturally there is complete freedom available to everyone
to learn and acquire what he wants to learn and acquire. In a sense, it’s the
ultimate freedom that if realized can enable us to be master of our destiny.
That is, we are free to be what we want to be.<br />
<br />
However, some of us happen to make a discovery of an immeasurable magnitude.
Somehow, they come to believe that they are free to be what they want to be,
and in addition to that, they are free to force others to be what those people
do or do not want to be. Such people in fact try to be master of others’
destiny, and deprive them of their freedom. Not only do they use every
opportunity and manner to further their Procrustean agenda, they manipulate
what is available and manufacture what is needed to achieve their Procrustean
objectives. They have no regard for what exists outside of them.<br />
<br />
It is rather an edgy difference that distinguishes such people who live to
control and mould other people’s lives according to their ideas from those who
teach and preach other people to live in accordance with their philosophies.
It’s no matter of persuasion or submission, i.e. getting someone converted to
your ideas on the one hand by using rhetoric or reason or reward, and on the
other, by using fear or force or fraud. This difference is informed among other
things by the eternal issue of means and ends, i.e. ends do not justify means.
Hence, if one wants to persuade or coerce others into submitting to his ideas
there is an inherent danger of curtailing or snatching other people’s freedom.
That way others lose their freedom. The issue of corporal punishment to
learners is a derivative of the same debate.<br />
<br />
But to make this debate possible and also to have it to continue, a theory of
conduct is desperately needed in Pakistan. This actually is a sine qua non for
all existence let alone for the human existence. That, everyone is free to have
his ideas, change them, abandon them, and dispose of them in whatever manner he
deems fit, and at the same time he is all free to live according to his own
ideas. That no one with whatsoever mandate, personal or otherwise, has any
authority to impose himself upon others and to take back others’ freedom on any
pretext personal or otherwise. All knowledge presupposes this freedom.<br />
<br />
It may be objected that it is practically socially impossible to allow so many
individuals to live like that save at the expense of social harmony and peace.
That may be so! However, first there is morality and then there is law that
takes care of the difference, discord, disharmony, and conflict and clash among
individuals of a community.<br />
<br />
Morality needs no enforcement; it is sort of self-discipline and a pragmatic
way of life though for those who know the value of moral principles and their
centrality to human co-existence. Law requires to be enforced by an authority.
In this it is as lame as morality. Both are intrinsically orphan waiting to be
adopted by some foster parents: moral principles are open to be adopted by,
rather obligatory for, every individual be he an ordinary or an extraordinary
person, whereas law must be enforced by an authority, which is nothing more
than a collection of persons, duly vested with its enforcement. It is of the
nature of law that its ignorance by anyone is never construed as an excuse to
seek alibi, instead it is binding to all and all are equal before law.<br />
<br />
This does not mean that both morality and law lie entirely within their own
independent realms. How can we elevate a person to a law office who is morally
corrupt? The issue of the present chief justice’s daughter’s enhanced marks is
a case in point. Also, how can an outlaw be declared morally upright? The case
of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari is not entirely irrelevant provided he should have been
cleared by an independent court of all the accusations and allegations brought
against him by anyone. Morality preconditions, contextualizes and encompasses
law.<br />
<br />
Against this backdrop, present circumstances of the Pakistani state are
extremely hopeless. It needs no painstaking to bring out the rampant
moral-lessness, value-lessness, and law-lessness at every level of our society.
We are all witness to it. Rather, part of it. But isn’t it the same cliché
everyone is wont of using? Yeah, apparently it seems so. But the argument this
article is going to make is different.<br />
<br />
To blame all or to accuse all is jut meaningless. Likewise, to characterize a
society by anything is just like crying over spilt milk. To say that Pakistani
society has no morals, no values, no norms, and no principles to follow or that
it is a lawless society is just empty talk. Also, it does not mean, as is
usually implied, that there are good moral principled or law-abiding people in
every society, and we have our share of such goody-goodies.<br />
<br />
As argued earlier, the nature of morals is different from laws; no prescribed
punishment is attached with them and everyone is free to follow or defy them,
so no responsibility can be fixed for transgressing morals or values, norms or
principles. In that they are a private thing. Some private organizations and
institutions use them as laws, i.e. they punish their members or employees in
case of violations of their adopted norms. They are private because no one owns
and implement them, i.e. no collective authority possesses them and their
enforcement. Hence, the meaningless and emptiness of the statement that our
society is devoid of all morals, values, norms and principles! Hence, the lack
of fixing any responsibility whatsoever for any violation by anyone!<br />
<br />
That’s completely different in the realm of laws. All the laws are absolutely
meaningful and full of content. We may decry them, analyze them, and expose
their content and intent. All the laws are written with clearly defined terms
of punishment in case of their violation. We may criticize and declare these as
inhuman or savage. This enables the fixing of responsibility beyond any doubt
at least within a demarcated domain of adjudication. That is why all the
statements made on the bases of law always amount to clearly defined meanings
and fixed responsibility.<br />
<br />
Thus, when this article talks of Pakistan as a lawless society, and as a
society without any morals or values or norms, it definitely means something
different from just what the above-mentioned cliché hints at. What this article
means is clearly in terms of fixing responsibility, and of course not just the
lamentable state of our society. It talks of a definite relationship between
morality and law as it manifests in our society. In other words, it purports to
formulate a thesis that throughout the six decades of Pakistan the absence of
rule of law has negatively impacted on all of our moral and social values, and
the efficacy of norms and principles for a virtuous life, and thus the
responsibility both for turning Pakistan into a lawless society and utter
degradation of the values is but on the shoulders of those who were lawfully
and constitutionally vested with establishing rule of law, dispensing justice,
and protecting life and property, and rights and freedoms of all the citizens
of Pakistan without any discrimination, and also those who were lawfully
designated to aid in the fulfillment of these basic duties of the state but
instead of following their lawful functions they violated them with pronounced
disregard, and it were they who played the major and active role in destroying
the value system in Pakistan. No damage is greater than that.<br />
<br />
Thus, it is the utter disregard for law and its deliberate trashing verily by
those who were trusted with its sanctity and custody that hacked at the root of
all morality. As in spite of many a religious teaching and their doctrine of
reward and punishment, and as it is evident from people’s outward behavior and
practically from their actions also, that they have already learned that that
is all what is here in this world. Likewise, centuries’ experience of lawless
and immoral governments and rulers made people learn how to live without any
value system or in the midst of a value system that is based on the efficacy of
force. This experience may be generalized thus: it is the absence of rule of
law that nourishes and strengthens not only law-lessness but moral-lessness and
value-lessness also. Because, in a sense, in such a society sticking to morals,
values and principles does not pay. In our case, it is more than that since
instead of paying it makes one lose what he already possesses. Hence, in a perfect
vacuum of law majority of people abandon all morality.<br />
<br />
In point of fact, if we do not let laws rule, reign of lawlessness will
prevail. If we do not establish rule of law, rule of criminals will emerge. If
the rule of criminals establishes itself, all the traces of morality will
disappear. What else have we got in Pakistan other than that? Actually the
absence of rule of law was not accidental in Pakistan. It was not done in
ignorance. It is a cold-blooded crime. What greater evidence is required to prove
that point but the way the rule of law movement has been thwarted first by the
military elite and then by the Pakistan Peoples Party government in unison with
their masters. This has pushed the crisis to its peak point where endures no
law and no morality in Pakistan.<br />
<br />
There are three main culprits lawfully and constitutionally responsible for
bringing Pakistan on the brink of the precipice. First, it is the military
elite which represent force; second, it is the judicial elite which represent
law; and then, it is the political elite which represent democratic mandate.
Far from fulfilling their lawful and constitutional duties all these elites
constantly acted in violation of those duties. Instead of honoring their
constitutional mandates, all these elites stepped out of their constitutional
domains and made a travesty of everything from law and constitution of the land
to morality. Last but not least, they all in collusion seized the state of
Pakistan and set to further their elitist agenda to the best of their
interests.<br />
<br />
Briefly dwelling on their destructive role, it is sufficient to mention that:
how the military elite staged coups, suspended and disfigured the constitution,
ruled the country by force, and exercised its influence from behind while it was
not present on the scene. How the judicial elite validated these coups starkly
against the dictates of the constitution, allowed the transgressors to rule and
to amend the constitution. How the political elite perennially betrayed their
democratic mandate and the cause of the fundamental rights of the people who
put them into power, how it played in the hands of the military elite and how
in complicity with it it never let those institutions, such as independent
judiciary, rule of law, come into existence and strengthen which could
safeguard the rights and freedoms of the people, and how it validated the
dictators-forced amendments in the constitution.<br />
<br />
The worst form of lawlessness which we are witnessing today in most of the
areas of Pakistan such as those on the border of Afghanistan and the biggest
city of Karachi is the ultimate result of all these criminalities of these
elites. Their grabbing and transforming of Pakistan into an elitist state was
the greatest tragedy that could happen to a country. These elites deprived the
state of Pakistan from playing its due role, i.e. the role of an arbitrator,
mediator, moderator, and a referee, the task of which is to arbitrate, mediate,
moderate, and referee between the two or more disputant parties and settle and
resolve the conflict to the satisfaction of both or all irrespective of the
nature of those conflicts which may belong to the realm of civil, political,
economic rights, or relating to the fundamental rights and freedoms of the
citizens. In other words, they stripped the state of its protective function,
i.e. protection of its citizens’ life, property and rights and freedom.<br />
<br />
At the worst, these elites made the state of Pakistan itself one of the
disputant parties. Not only politically, and economically, did the state stand
by one party but spiritually and religiously also it took sides, and emerged as
a contestant itself. This divided the society deeply negatively, and turned
Pakistan permanently into an arena where countless tugs of wars were and are
being fought to gain the control over the state. The resultant internal strife
consumed the energies of both the state and the society of Pakistan. It’s the
same fire that is burning us today.<br />
<br />
It is in this context that the nature and intent of the Objectives Resolution
may best be explained though it contained cursory mention to people’s
fundamental rights too. Also, this helps understand the acute constitutional
crisis that afflicted Pakistan in its formative years till the constitution of
1973 was agreed upon and enforced. In retrospective, it is easier to analyze
how this constitution was made possible in 1973.<br />
<br />
Actually, the period till 1973 is all fraught with a neck and neck fight
between the two major elites, military and political to take control of the
state. The making and unmaking of various governments and constitutions during
this period is sufficient to prove the point. The judicial elite being too week
to take sides on its own, permanently relaxed in the lap of the powerful one;
while the political elite when apparently in power always, as it is doing
today, tried to subdue it to its dictates but failed repeatedly.<br />
<br />
However, it was in the early 1970s that in the wake of the first general
elections and the subsequent cut-throat power struggle between two major victor
parties, i.e. Awami League and Pakistan Peoples Party, in which military elite
put its weight on the side of the political elite of the Western wing of
Pakistan, and as a result of which Bangladesh came into being, that the military
elite was at its weakest. The war that Pakistan army lost in the Eastern wing
found about a hundred thousand of its army men as prisoners of war in India and
it had left that elite too frail and unprepared to assert itself and its
supremacy. That is how the constitution of 1973 sailed through. As it is, the
hands that resuscitated the fainted patient were hacked off just after four
years in 1977 and once again the military elite established its rule.<br />
<br />
Thus, the state of Pakistan gradually reached a point where today it has lost
all moral and constitutional legitimacy. By taking on a role of a party and
completely abandoning its protective role and the role of a mediator and
referee, it let the Pandora’s political box open. From the very beginning ensued
a fierce struggle between the various sections of the society, in addition to
the two bigger elites the military and the politicians, to gain the control of
the state which with the passage of time intensified. All the power politics,
and its offshoots such as the military takeovers, constitutional breakdowns,
political, economic, cultural and religious persecutions are the major
milestones on this way down.<br />
<br />
It was during the last days of the People’s Government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
that the Pandora’s religious box’s lid was slid a bit (the Pandora’s economic
box had already been smashed into pieces in his government’s earlier years),
but it was wide-open during the 3rd military coup when General Zia-ul-Haq’s
Martial Law disfigured everything civil, moral, lawful and constitutional in
Pakistan. Since then, we have witnessed the creation of a number of (and
strengthening of the previously existing) armed and un-armed political and
non-political, religious and non-religious mafia like groups vying for the control
of the state to enforce their agendas. The armed groups found the
Zia-ul-Haqqian environment especially conducive for their growth.<br />
<br />
The same phenomenon of the absence of a genuinely neutralized and legitimized
state let loose countless autonomous entities, from individual persons to
well-knit groups, which monopolized the use of force to promote their interests
and ideologies. They started making use of every thing and every means no
matter moral or immoral, legal or illegal, constitutional or un-constitutional,
peaceful or forceful, to compel the individual citizens to believe and behave
but in accordance with their prescribed ideological manuals. This gave rise, in
addition to political and economic, to moral and cultural policing in every
street and at every road throughout Pakistan. In sum, that was the final touch
to the siege from within.<br />
<br />
That siege from within arrested the creative and enterprising spirit of the
nation and left it in a completely dried, wrung and barren state. No sphere of
life, learning, earning and recreation could escape that mischievous moral
policing. Woman was particularly the target of that devilry. She was no more an
individual; rather debased to the status of a soul-less object. The tentacles
of moral policing trespassed every encirclement of human civilization from
one’s privacy to the premises of someone’s home. No one remained safe even
within one’s house. The lot of the ordinary people was made miserable; they
were turned into helpless prisoners in their own homes.<br />
<br />
Socially and politically, it begot the worst type of parasites. As the siege
retarded the real spontaneous growth, a parasitic economy emerged. From a
pariah to a president, no one was happy to earn fairly and honestly. Everyone
who got the opportunity whether he was a laborer or an industrialist tried to
take advantage of it to amass wealth by grabbing other people’s money i.e. tax
money in whatever manner he could do that. All politics became the art of
living and living lavishly at the expense of others. Outside government, goons
and mafia live like that.<br />
<br />
Such are the times and circumstances we are living in. That’s the Pakistan we
are having today. This article has only generalized what is happening around.
No examples have been given since they abound. No mentions have been made, save
a few, since there are innumerable staring us in the face. The first thing we
need to know is that we are not under siege from outside, but from within.
That’s the hard truth! That is what this article has attempted to show. Also,
it has tried to show how that siege was laid to.<br />
<br />
However, what this article has avoided to venture at is why we were besieged
from within? That such a question pertains to the realm of psychology which may
not provide us with a satisfactory answer is what the writer has no quarrel
with. In his view, even if we find the answer to that question why an oppressor
behaves like an oppressor, it will not help a bit to stop him from behaving
like that.<br />
<br />
Also, it is the weaker, the oppressed one who is the real culprit; it is he who
lets the oppressor oppress him whereas it is characteristic of the human spirit
that it is absolutely free, i.e. we have an absolutely free soul. When one
makes him believe that he has been besieged, he is not free. He is free only
when he fights to break the siege. It is admitted that harder is to fight
against the siege from within than from without because our enemy is inside us.
But fight we have to go for.<br />
<br />
Thus the second thing we need to know is that we are free and we can make that
siege disappear. What is possible and is practicable is that we the ordinary
people, we the oppressed ones, we the besieged ones, do not let the oppressor
oppress us, the besieger besiege us. We need to be self-assured that we are not
victims, that we are free people. It is as simple as that. It is our natural
and inalienable right not to be besieged by anyone, not to be oppressed by
anyone. But by just law alone! In case, we have been oppressed, laid siege to,
be it from within or without, it is morally incumbent on us to assert and stand
for our rights and freedoms, and struggle for that siege to be lifted. That’s
the simple way ahead to the resolution of our complex problems! That’s what we
are required to follow in Pakistan for the siege from within to be lifted once
and for all to regain the lost paradise of our rights and freedoms!</div>
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Note: This article was completed in December 2008.</div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-76282952710280287842016-08-23T18:49:00.000+05:002016-08-23T18:50:38.390+05:00Siege from within<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<![endif]-->When creative spirit of a nation is arrested from within, it is as
vulnerable to external insinuations as is to internal machinations, and can
never make any progress.<br />
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<br />
“Pakistan is under siege.”<br />
<br />
We had enemies from the very first day. With time, the list of our enemies grew
longer. So much so that today we have neighbors not friendly to us and a world
all hostile to us. We are alone in a wilderness created of our own. Isn’t it
Greek mythology whose gods and monsters we have resurrected in ourselves? Like
the one-eyed monster, we have no second eye to look inward. This on the one
hand has transformed us completely into subjects perfectly suitable for
psychological pursuits. Or, for instance, how can a judge of a higher court
find fault with bare feet of a dancer, and ban it? Or how can his ability and
capacity to judge be explained? (One of my friends says it’s a foot fetish!) Go
through any book of psychology, and see we are afflicted with almost all the
disorders identified there.<br />
<br />
On the other hand, this lack of inner eye has deprived us of that touch of
philosophical contemplation and composition which is so integral to the
continuity of peaceful human co-existence. In every nook and cranny of our
society, from a hut to GHQ, and from a patient to the President, we have laid
Procrustean beds and are on guard no one unfits it. Those who are over-sized
are cut down, and those who are under-sized are pulled up to match the bed’s
length. In a sense, we watered and environmentaled all the seeds to grow into
the same and, lo, we have Bonsais all around us. Rather, we have shrubs unheard
of in the botanical history which are eating out one another, and stretching
their tentacles to far off lands to gulp others; it is as if we are working on
an agenda of self-annihilation.<br />
<br />
At the same time, we have started ‘exporting’ our principles of experimentation
with human beings to other regions also. We are packaging our Procrustean beds
for other people, and use all means fair or unfair to ‘market-impose’ them, and
are thus causing other people to revive their own Procrustean beds and bring
them again into practice. This may turn the whole world into a big Procrustean
bed!<br />
<br />
Alas, our ideological adventurers are no better than Procrustes. In a sense,
they are worse! Procrustes used to hack off or stretch his victims to fit his
bed, we kill all who unfit our beds, and in some cases, we kill all no matter
they fit or unfit our beds. We have left Procrustes far behind in sizing human
beings.<br />
<br />
How’s that that we have turned into such monsters? Are we different from other
people genetically? Some people believe that is so; but that is an expression
of distrust and anger. All of us belong to the same progenitor. It is mainly
our mental, intellectual, psychological and philosophical make-up and thus our
behavior that differentiates us from each other. Otherwise we are the same
biological entity.<br />
<br />
As it is, like others we are a product of two things, first, what we are
endowed with by birth, and second, what we learn and acquire on our own. We are
all born with almost the same capacity to learn unless it is some disability
that retards us; so naturally there is complete freedom available to everyone
to learn and acquire what he wants to learn and acquire. In a sense, it’s the
ultimate freedom that if realized can enable us to be master of our destiny.
That is, we are free to be what we want to be.<br />
<br />
However, some of us happen to make a discovery of an immeasurable magnitude.
Somehow, they come to believe that they are free to be what they want to be,
and in addition to that, they are free to force others to be what those people
do or do not want to be. Such people in fact try to be master of others’
destiny, and deprive them of their freedom. Not only do they use every
opportunity and manner to further their Procrustean agenda, they manipulate
what is available and manufacture what is needed to achieve their Procrustean
objectives. They have no regard for what exists outside of them.<br />
<br />
It is rather an edgy difference that distinguishes such people who live to
control and mould other people’s lives according to their ideas from those who
teach and preach other people to live in accordance with their philosophies.
It’s no matter of persuasion or submission, i.e. getting someone converted to
your ideas on the one hand by using rhetoric or reason or reward, and on the
other, by using fear or force or fraud. This difference is informed among other
things by the eternal issue of means and ends, i.e. ends do not justify means.
Hence, if one wants to persuade or coerce others into submitting to his ideas
there is an inherent danger of curtailing or snatching other people’s freedom.
That way others lose their freedom. The issue of corporal punishment to
learners is a derivative of the same debate.<br />
<br />
But to make this debate possible and also to have it to continue, a theory of
conduct is desperately needed in Pakistan. This actually is a sine qua non for
all existence let alone for the human existence. That, everyone is free to have
his ideas, change them, abandon them, and dispose of them in whatever manner he
deems fit, and at the same time he is all free to live according to his own
ideas. That no one with whatsoever mandate, personal or otherwise, has any
authority to impose himself upon others and to take back others’ freedom on any
pretext personal or otherwise. All knowledge presupposes this freedom.<br />
<br />
It may be objected that it is practically socially impossible to allow so many
individuals to live like that save at the expense of social harmony and peace.
That may be so! However, first there is morality and then there is law that
takes care of the difference, discord, disharmony, and conflict and clash among
individuals of a community.<br />
<br />
Morality needs no enforcement; it is sort of self-discipline and a pragmatic
way of life though for those who know the value of moral principles and their
centrality to human co-existence. Law requires to be enforced by an authority.
In this it is as lame as morality. Both are intrinsically orphan waiting to be
adopted by some foster parents: moral principles are open to be adopted by,
rather obligatory for, every individual be he an ordinary or an extraordinary
person, whereas law must be enforced by an authority, which is nothing more
than a collection of persons, duly vested with its enforcement. It is of the
nature of law that its ignorance by anyone is never construed as an excuse to
seek alibi, instead it is binding to all and all are equal before law.<br />
<br />
This does not mean that both morality and law lie entirely within their own
independent realms. How can we elevate a person to a law office who is morally
corrupt? The issue of the present chief justice’s daughter’s enhanced marks is
a case in point. Also, how can an outlaw be declared morally upright? The case
of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari is not entirely irrelevant provided he should have been
cleared by an independent court of all the accusations and allegations brought
against him by anyone. Morality preconditions, contextualizes and encompasses
law.<br />
<br />
Against this backdrop, present circumstances of the Pakistani state are
extremely hopeless. It needs no painstaking to bring out the rampant
moral-lessness, value-lessness, and law-lessness at every level of our society.
We are all witness to it. Rather, part of it. But isn’t it the same cliché
everyone is wont of using? Yeah, apparently it seems so. But the argument this
article is going to make is different.<br />
<br />
To blame all or to accuse all is jut meaningless. Likewise, to characterize a
society by anything is just like crying over spilt milk. To say that Pakistani
society has no morals, no values, no norms, and no principles to follow or that
it is a lawless society is just empty talk. Also, it does not mean, as is
usually implied, that there are good moral principled or law-abiding people in
every society, and we have our share of such goody-goodies.<br />
<br />
As argued earlier, the nature of morals is different from laws; no prescribed
punishment is attached with them and everyone is free to follow or defy them,
so no responsibility can be fixed for transgressing morals or values, norms or
principles. In that they are a private thing. Some private organizations and
institutions use them as laws, i.e. they punish their members or employees in
case of violations of their adopted norms. They are private because no one owns
and implement them, i.e. no collective authority possesses them and their
enforcement. Hence, the meaningless and emptiness of the statement that our
society is devoid of all morals, values, norms and principles! Hence, the lack
of fixing any responsibility whatsoever for any violation by anyone!<br />
<br />
That’s completely different in the realm of laws. All the laws are absolutely
meaningful and full of content. We may decry them, analyze them, and expose
their content and intent. All the laws are written with clearly defined terms
of punishment in case of their violation. We may criticize and declare these as
inhuman or savage. This enables the fixing of responsibility beyond any doubt
at least within a demarcated domain of adjudication. That is why all the
statements made on the bases of law always amount to clearly defined meanings
and fixed responsibility.<br />
<br />
Thus, when this article talks of Pakistan as a lawless society, and as a
society without any morals or values or norms, it definitely means something
different from just what the above-mentioned cliché hints at. What this article
means is clearly in terms of fixing responsibility, and of course not just the
lamentable state of our society. It talks of a definite relationship between
morality and law as it manifests in our society. In other words, it purports to
formulate a thesis that throughout the six decades of Pakistan the absence of
rule of law has negatively impacted on all of our moral and social values, and
the efficacy of norms and principles for a virtuous life, and thus the
responsibility both for turning Pakistan into a lawless society and utter
degradation of the values is but on the shoulders of those who were lawfully
and constitutionally vested with establishing rule of law, dispensing justice,
and protecting life and property, and rights and freedoms of all the citizens
of Pakistan without any discrimination, and also those who were lawfully
designated to aid in the fulfillment of these basic duties of the state but
instead of following their lawful functions they violated them with pronounced
disregard, and it were they who played the major and active role in destroying
the value system in Pakistan. No damage is greater than that.<br />
<br />
Thus, it is the utter disregard for law and its deliberate trashing verily by
those who were trusted with its sanctity and custody that hacked at the root of
all morality. As in spite of many a religious teaching and their doctrine of
reward and punishment, and as it is evident from people’s outward behavior and
practically from their actions also, that they have already learned that that
is all what is here in this world. Likewise, centuries’ experience of lawless
and immoral governments and rulers made people learn how to live without any
value system or in the midst of a value system that is based on the efficacy of
force. This experience may be generalized thus: it is the absence of rule of
law that nourishes and strengthens not only law-lessness but moral-lessness and
value-lessness also. Because, in a sense, in such a society sticking to morals,
values and principles does not pay. In our case, it is more than that since
instead of paying it makes one lose what he already possesses. Hence, in a perfect
vacuum of law majority of people abandon all morality.<br />
<br />
In point of fact, if we do not let laws rule, reign of lawlessness will
prevail. If we do not establish rule of law, rule of criminals will emerge. If
the rule of criminals establishes itself, all the traces of morality will
disappear. What else have we got in Pakistan other than that? Actually the
absence of rule of law was not accidental in Pakistan. It was not done in
ignorance. It is a cold-blooded crime. What greater evidence is required to prove
that point but the way the rule of law movement has been thwarted first by the
military elite and then by the Pakistan Peoples Party government in unison with
their masters. This has pushed the crisis to its peak point where endures no
law and no morality in Pakistan.<br />
<br />
There are three main culprits lawfully and constitutionally responsible for
bringing Pakistan on the brink of the precipice. First, it is the military
elite which represent force; second, it is the judicial elite which represent
law; and then, it is the political elite which represent democratic mandate.
Far from fulfilling their lawful and constitutional duties all these elites
constantly acted in violation of those duties. Instead of honoring their
constitutional mandates, all these elites stepped out of their constitutional
domains and made a travesty of everything from law and constitution of the land
to morality. Last but not least, they all in collusion seized the state of
Pakistan and set to further their elitist agenda to the best of their
interests.<br />
<br />
Briefly dwelling on their destructive role, it is sufficient to mention that:
how the military elite staged coups, suspended and disfigured the constitution,
ruled the country by force, and exercised its influence from behind while it was
not present on the scene. How the judicial elite validated these coups starkly
against the dictates of the constitution, allowed the transgressors to rule and
to amend the constitution. How the political elite perennially betrayed their
democratic mandate and the cause of the fundamental rights of the people who
put them into power, how it played in the hands of the military elite and how
in complicity with it it never let those institutions, such as independent
judiciary, rule of law, come into existence and strengthen which could
safeguard the rights and freedoms of the people, and how it validated the
dictators-forced amendments in the constitution.<br />
<br />
The worst form of lawlessness which we are witnessing today in most of the
areas of Pakistan such as those on the border of Afghanistan and the biggest
city of Karachi is the ultimate result of all these criminalities of these
elites. Their grabbing and transforming of Pakistan into an elitist state was
the greatest tragedy that could happen to a country. These elites deprived the
state of Pakistan from playing its due role, i.e. the role of an arbitrator,
mediator, moderator, and a referee, the task of which is to arbitrate, mediate,
moderate, and referee between the two or more disputant parties and settle and
resolve the conflict to the satisfaction of both or all irrespective of the
nature of those conflicts which may belong to the realm of civil, political,
economic rights, or relating to the fundamental rights and freedoms of the
citizens. In other words, they stripped the state of its protective function,
i.e. protection of its citizens’ life, property and rights and freedom.<br />
<br />
At the worst, these elites made the state of Pakistan itself one of the
disputant parties. Not only politically, and economically, did the state stand
by one party but spiritually and religiously also it took sides, and emerged as
a contestant itself. This divided the society deeply negatively, and turned
Pakistan permanently into an arena where countless tugs of wars were and are
being fought to gain the control over the state. The resultant internal strife
consumed the energies of both the state and the society of Pakistan. It’s the
same fire that is burning us today.<br />
<br />
It is in this context that the nature and intent of the Objectives Resolution
may best be explained though it contained cursory mention to people’s
fundamental rights too. Also, this helps understand the acute constitutional
crisis that afflicted Pakistan in its formative years till the constitution of
1973 was agreed upon and enforced. In retrospective, it is easier to analyze
how this constitution was made possible in 1973.<br />
<br />
Actually, the period till 1973 is all fraught with a neck and neck fight
between the two major elites, military and political to take control of the
state. The making and unmaking of various governments and constitutions during
this period is sufficient to prove the point. The judicial elite being too week
to take sides on its own, permanently relaxed in the lap of the powerful one;
while the political elite when apparently in power always, as it is doing
today, tried to subdue it to its dictates but failed repeatedly.<br />
<br />
However, it was in the early 1970s that in the wake of the first general
elections and the subsequent cut-throat power struggle between two major victor
parties, i.e. Awami League and Pakistan Peoples Party, in which military elite
put its weight on the side of the political elite of the Western wing of
Pakistan, and as a result of which Bangladesh came into being, that the military
elite was at its weakest. The war that Pakistan army lost in the Eastern wing
found about a hundred thousand of its army men as prisoners of war in India and
it had left that elite too frail and unprepared to assert itself and its
supremacy. That is how the constitution of 1973 sailed through. As it is, the
hands that resuscitated the fainted patient were hacked off just after four
years in 1977 and once again the military elite established its rule.<br />
<br />
Thus, the state of Pakistan gradually reached a point where today it has lost
all moral and constitutional legitimacy. By taking on a role of a party and
completely abandoning its protective role and the role of a mediator and
referee, it let the Pandora’s political box open. From the very beginning ensued
a fierce struggle between the various sections of the society, in addition to
the two bigger elites the military and the politicians, to gain the control of
the state which with the passage of time intensified. All the power politics,
and its offshoots such as the military takeovers, constitutional breakdowns,
political, economic, cultural and religious persecutions are the major
milestones on this way down.<br />
<br />
It was during the last days of the People’s Government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
that the Pandora’s religious box’s lid was slid a bit (the Pandora’s economic
box had already been smashed into pieces in his government’s earlier years),
but it was wide-open during the 3rd military coup when General Zia-ul-Haq’s
Martial Law disfigured everything civil, moral, lawful and constitutional in
Pakistan. Since then, we have witnessed the creation of a number of (and
strengthening of the previously existing) armed and un-armed political and
non-political, religious and non-religious mafia like groups vying for the control
of the state to enforce their agendas. The armed groups found the
Zia-ul-Haqqian environment especially conducive for their growth.<br />
<br />
The same phenomenon of the absence of a genuinely neutralized and legitimized
state let loose countless autonomous entities, from individual persons to
well-knit groups, which monopolized the use of force to promote their interests
and ideologies. They started making use of every thing and every means no
matter moral or immoral, legal or illegal, constitutional or un-constitutional,
peaceful or forceful, to compel the individual citizens to believe and behave
but in accordance with their prescribed ideological manuals. This gave rise, in
addition to political and economic, to moral and cultural policing in every
street and at every road throughout Pakistan. In sum, that was the final touch
to the siege from within.<br />
<br />
That siege from within arrested the creative and enterprising spirit of the
nation and left it in a completely dried, wrung and barren state. No sphere of
life, learning, earning and recreation could escape that mischievous moral
policing. Woman was particularly the target of that devilry. She was no more an
individual; rather debased to the status of a soul-less object. The tentacles
of moral policing trespassed every encirclement of human civilization from
one’s privacy to the premises of someone’s home. No one remained safe even
within one’s house. The lot of the ordinary people was made miserable; they
were turned into helpless prisoners in their own homes.<br />
<br />
Socially and politically, it begot the worst type of parasites. As the siege
retarded the real spontaneous growth, a parasitic economy emerged. From a
pariah to a president, no one was happy to earn fairly and honestly. Everyone
who got the opportunity whether he was a laborer or an industrialist tried to
take advantage of it to amass wealth by grabbing other people’s money i.e. tax
money in whatever manner he could do that. All politics became the art of
living and living lavishly at the expense of others. Outside government, goons
and mafia live like that.<br />
<br />
Such are the times and circumstances we are living in. That’s the Pakistan we
are having today. This article has only generalized what is happening around.
No examples have been given since they abound. No mentions have been made, save
a few, since there are innumerable staring us in the face. The first thing we
need to know is that we are not under siege from outside, but from within.
That’s the hard truth! That is what this article has attempted to show. Also,
it has tried to show how that siege was laid to.<br />
<br />
However, what this article has avoided to venture at is why we were besieged
from within? That such a question pertains to the realm of psychology which may
not provide us with a satisfactory answer is what the writer has no quarrel
with. In his view, even if we find the answer to that question why an oppressor
behaves like an oppressor, it will not help a bit to stop him from behaving
like that.<br />
<br />
Also, it is the weaker, the oppressed one who is the real culprit; it is he who
lets the oppressor oppress him whereas it is characteristic of the human spirit
that it is absolutely free, i.e. we have an absolutely free soul. When one
makes him believe that he has been besieged, he is not free. He is free only
when he fights to break the siege. It is admitted that harder is to fight
against the siege from within than from without because our enemy is inside us.
But fight we have to go for.<br />
<br />
Thus the second thing we need to know is that we are free and we can make that
siege disappear. What is possible and is practicable is that we the ordinary
people, we the oppressed ones, we the besieged ones, do not let the oppressor
oppress us, the besieger besiege us. We need to be self-assured that we are not
victims, that we are free people. It is as simple as that. It is our natural
and inalienable right not to be besieged by anyone, not to be oppressed by
anyone. But by just law alone! In case, we have been oppressed, laid siege to,
be it from within or without, it is morally incumbent on us to assert and stand
for our rights and freedoms, and struggle for that siege to be lifted. That’s
the simple way ahead to the resolution of our complex problems! That’s what we
are required to follow in Pakistan for the siege from within to be lifted once
and for all to regain the lost paradise of our rights and freedoms!</div>
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Note: This article was completed in December 2008.</div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-42531348899513204482016-07-29T11:55:00.000+05:002016-07-29T11:56:01.907+05:00Legislating middleman’s ouster<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</xml><![endif]--><i>The middleman tends to be eliminated . . . He can only be safely
eliminated by natural processes. Sometimes he is of real use and helps
production; sometimes he is not; but this cannot be decided by a blind strike,
but only by allowing the forces of competition to act upon him.
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[Hon. Auberon Herbert]<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Every time Pakistan Muslim League (N) comes to govern in Punjab, it
tries its hands at innovative approaches to solve some of the crucial problems
facing ordinary citizens. But unfortunately all of them prove unproductive,
consume resources wastefully, and leave the ‘attempted problem’ in a greater
mess. An important case in point is the problem of public transport - requiring
resolution since long. In this regard, every new innovation can be cited as evidence
for its previous failure. It seems the Party is fond of focusing on public
transport, and whenever it is in power, unsparingly goes for a newer innovation
to solve it, and in the end when fails miserably, comes with another
innovation. Ironically, the problem remains intact, rather gets complicated.</div>
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Other examples include Sasti Roti (cheaper loaf) Scheme, Danish Schools,
and the latest innovation, the removal of the middleman from markets. Last
month, it was reported in the newspapers that ‘the government is preparing a
Punjab Agricultural Produce Marketing Act to ban middleman from fruit and
vegetable markets and allow the purchasers and sellers to interact directly
with one another.’ The official further disclosed government’s ‘comprehensive
plan to establish modern markets in collaboration with the United States Agency
for International Development (USAID).’<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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The details of the plan envisage: that ‘sellers and purchasers would be
registered in their respective markets. Market committees would be authorized
to charge a registration fee from them. Special Agricultural Marketing Boards
would be formulated to control and regulate the affairs of the market. Market
Committee’s fee ratio, which currently stands at 0.1 per cent, would be
doubled, and the administrators of these committees would be elected by the
stakeholders.’<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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This new innovation derives its inspiration from the age-old prejudice
against the middleman. The prejudice declares middleman as an un-necessary link
in the production-consumption chain. The product should come from the producer
directly to the consumer, it fancies. Anyone putting himself anywhere between
the producer and the consumer factually increases the cost and thence price of
the product also. The innovative legislation meant to oust the middleman from
the fruit and vegetable markets tries to do the same: bringing down the price
of fruits and vegetables.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Let’s raise some pertinent questions to analyze the ‘scheme’ aiming at
reducing the prices of fruits and vegetables. Does this venture (rather
adventure! Wasn’t Sasti Roti an adventure?) require USAID to jump in with its
Dollars? Yeah, but really it might have provided the cue to this project! Here
is a pack of dollars, do you have a project to claim it, seems to be the
motivation behind this venture. Assume it’s not the case. Assume the proposed
legislation sincerely aims at price reduction. But has this legislation given
thought to other ways of reducing prices? Has it done a cost-benefit analysis
of the whole scheme?<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Usually minds in any government are not mindful of such things. They
never take into account unintended consequences of their actions. They think
like gods: the day we enforce it, this is going to take place as we planned.
Before this legislation comes into force, representatives of the Kissan Board
have registered their objection. They have ‘pressed upon the government to continue
with the current system since the new policy would affect thousands who were
earning their livelihood by working as middlemen.’<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Again, by this proposal, government’s own agenda stands defeated. Most
of the governments, and almost all the political parties, which declare
themselves as the self-proclaimed defenders of the poor use this argument, this
time Kissan Board is making against this PML (N)’s provincial government. Why
by this ouster leave thousands of families without their livelihood? Instead,
the PML (N) government should promote the cause of the middleman and facilitate
them. Aren’t they poor? But the ways of those who come to be in government are
strange, devoid of logic and common sense as well. Aim at reducing the prices
of fruits and vegetables and snatch livelihood from thousands of poor citizens!<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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However, the argument this writer wants to put forward is different. He
considers middlemen a necessary link in the production-consumption chain. They
are by default an indispensable part of the process of economic growth.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Any producer or grower would aim at earning more and more profit. If he
is not a cheat, he would try to bring forth quality products at competitive
prices to his respective market. To achieve this, he would try to keep the cost
of his products lower, and most of the times producers and growers do not
invest in making their products reach end-point consumers. They appoint agents
or sole agents or distributors, or whatever arrangement is feasible. However,
sometimes they do distribute their products but still not to the end-point
consumers. That increases cost and requires specialization, at the least. It is
only for the small producers, such as bakeries, who have their distribution in
their hands, but again they just deliver their products to another link in the
chain, the shopkeepers doing business in the vicinity of end-point consumers.
When these businesses grow, they do have services of specialized distributors.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Not only comes the middleman in between the two points of production and
consumption, but he is an essential part of various stages of both production
and consumption also. Vendor industries, specialized importers, general order
suppliers, etc, are necessary to facilitate the process of production. Who can
ignore all important sectors providing various specialized research,
consultancy and technical services to producers, traders, and distributors!<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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In view of this, the proposed legislation is but an attempt ‘to bomb the
fruit and vegetable market to stone age.’ There is a producer and there is a
consumer – bring them not closer, but face to face, and that will minimize or
at best wipe out the cost of inputs by the middleman and margin of his profit
also. That’s the fancy economics! But what about the cost of regulating this or
that market? In this case, fruit and vegetable market, for which sellers and
purchasers will be registered; they will be charged a registration fee; Special
Agricultural Marketing Boards will be formed to control and regulate the
affairs of the markets; market committee’s fee ratio will be doubled from 0.1 %
to 2 %; and the administrators of these market committees will be elected by
the stakeholders.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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May one ask who will bear the cost of all this regulatory arrangement?
No doubt, the end-point consumers in the name of whom and for the benefit of
whom this very arrangement is going to be erected. Whether the middleman who is
the target of this proposed legislation will be ousted or not is yet to be seen
till this arrangement comes into force!<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Before concluding, it is important to take up the issue from another
angle. Let’s try to understand how fruit and vegetable markets work. These are
specific, known places where sellers and buyers come to trade. Otherwise, they
would be trying their luck here and there – sellers looking for buyers, and
buyers for sellers. Those who own Addas (shops) in these markets, and are known
as Thariyas (sort of platform for sellers and buyers to negotiate the deal),
provide various services both to the sellers and buyers, but basically to
sellers, and for this they charge in kind or a percentage of the proceeds from
the sellers. These Thariyas fulfill a necessary function. Should sellers have
no place to do their trade in a specific market, they will not be able to sell
their products on competitive prices. Thariyas help them sell their produce.
Sure, not every grower or one who brings fruits and vegetables to market can
own an Adda in the market, or won’t find it beneficial to his business.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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The second entity working in the market is Arhti – one who purchases
quantities of fruits and vegetables in bulk either directly from the farmers or
from other agents or traders who bring them to the market from far off places.
Then, in turn, he using the services of the Thariya for keeping, storing and
putting his items to sale, sells his purchases in smaller quantities to small
vendors and shopkeepers. Why this link in this chain? What purpose does he
serve? Thariya may or may not be an Arhti, but usually he is not, since this
may increase his cost of doing business. The Arhti performs certain functions
which Thariya would not like to. He sells smaller quantities to small vendors
usually not on cash payment but through deferred payment which needs to be made
on the next purchase or as agreed upon. The Arhti takes risk on two counts:
first, he purchases perishable items in bulk; and second, he deals in deferred
payments which may not be made at all or in due time. But he has to fulfill his
responsibilities in the market regarding promises and payments.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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In principle, these markets are open, there is no ban (but which the PML
(N)) government proposes to put) on anyone not to purchase or sell this much or
that much quantity of fruits and vegetables, and it is a genuine trade and
rightful trading. It seems it is this link in this chain, the Arhti, (the
explicit target of the government) which the proposed legislation aims at
removing. Is government justified in this middleman’s ouster?<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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In point of fact, no link in any production-consumption chain is
purposeless, unless it is created or imposed from without. Argument has this
that it does serve certain function, otherwise other chain links would not
allow it to remain there. The Arhti, the middleman, in the fruit and vegetable
market connects the chain since he performs certain functions by investing and
taking risks, and thus in his own position of middleman facilitates the
efficient movement of fruits and vegetables to the end-point consumers.<span dir="RTL" lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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Thus, the conclusion may not be far from truth that the intention of the
PML (N)’s provincial government is mala fide and solely based on a prejudice.
Also, it is no different from, and part of governmental traditions to plan and
impose things on the market from without. May it be submitted to the PML (N)
and its government that leave the fruit and vegetable market to work it on its
own, and it will exclude any link which proves to be un-necessary to its
working. Better the PML (N) and its government in Punjab focus on its duty of
maintaining law and order, protecting person and property of its citizens,
curbing the terrorists influence. And, finally if it is too fond of benefiting
the ordinary citizens, it should put its energies to ensure competition in the
market. In short, it should mind its own business, and let the fruit and
vegetable market mind its own.</div>
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Note: This article was completed in
February, 2011.</div>
</div>
Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-90061779710171607402016-06-07T14:33:00.000+05:002016-06-07T18:52:00.235+05:00How to Privatize Successfully - Part II<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</xml><![endif]--><a href="http://notesfrompakistan.blogspot.com/2016/05/how-to-privatize-successfully-part-i.html">How to Privatize Successfully - Part I</a><br />
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<![endif]-->If
privatisation needs to be done, it has to be done because it is the decisive
step in transforming the economic system. Regarding foreign help Dr Klaus is
very blunt: I think that the typical foreign help was sending would-be advisors
and consultants. It became one of the most profitable businesses in the 1990s -
to become a consultant and advisor in the transforming societies.<br />
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Their
recommendations weren't useful and not very good. You have had some experience
with troubles in South East Asia in the second half of the 1990s - it seems to
me that it has become an accepted truth that it was a tragic mistake of IMF
policies for all of what happened in countries like Indonesia, Malaysia and
elsewhere.</div>
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And,
he goes on: I remember I made a well-known statement that was repeated many
times, and Milton Friedman called it 'Klaus Law.' I was forced some eight or
nine years ago in the World Bank in Washington to accept, when I was still the
Minister for Finance, a foreign assistance loan, a technical assistance loan. I
said we are not interested in a loan for inviting consultants and advisors.</div>
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If
you are ready to give us a loan to build something, some infrastructure project
we can discuss it, but a technical assistance loan? I am not interested.</div>
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THE
STORY CONTINUES<b>:</b> They were absolutely shocked because this was exactly
what they wanted to organise - technical assistance, sending experts,
entertained in the best hotels in Prague and spending most of their time in the
lobby bars of those hotels discussing transformation. And I quite innocently
made a statement, which became quite well known. I said, "No, I am not
ready to pay hard money for soft advice." And Milton Friedman called it
the 'Klaus Law,' which I like very much!</div>
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As
to the objections on the mechanism of privatisation from its own protagonists,
Dr Klaus speaks from the point of view of a government (but sure a limited
government): We were confronted with an enormous naivety with regard to the
formation of legislation, its enforcement and the relationship between formal
legislation and informal rules, etc.</div>
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And
we have been especially criticised for our inability to create perfect
legislation. I have to argue that there is no perfect legislation. You have
parliaments just for the fact that you need to make changes to and add new
legislation to improve it - to fill some of the gaps and holes in the
legislation - it's a permanent evolutionary process in any country in the
world.</div>
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He
further states that the formation of legislation is and must be slow. It can't
be just a quick process. I must say that what I consider to be very important
is that legislation is the outcome of the process of evolution; it is not of
anyone's dictate (and if it is dictate, it plays havoc as has been the case in
Pakistan. Khalil).</div>
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As
you know very well, legislation is not the outcome of abstract rationalism.
Legislation is the result of a very complicated political process, a very very
human political process. You don't create legislation by picking the five best
lawyers from the best universities and asking them to "Please be so kind
as to give us legislation." It is discussed. Every sentence is discussed,
in your and our parliament.</div>
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<br /></div>
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And,
he admits: I'm sure you know very well that legislation is influenced not only
by political or ideological arguments, but by vested interests, by lobbying, by
what we economists call 'rent-seeking' activities. So there is nothing quite
like a body of legislation, which you can simply transfer from one country to
another and decide that this is true. There is just one example of such a
transfer of legislation in modern history, and you probably know what I have in
mind - the reunification of Germany.</div>
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<br /></div>
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It
was even the identical language. Even to translate the legislation, I can tell
you is difficult. And it was the same language, so it was easy just to announce
that the next morning the old legislation is no longer valid and the new
legislation is valid.</div>
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And
he hastily adds: I always say that our critics probably assume that we are
still a totalitarian state, where the appropriate legislation can be simply
introduced. But we know it is a very complicated political process.</div>
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This
is how Dr Vaclav Klaus, an economist and politician from the government, sees
the whole process of transition including privatisation. But, sure, if we need
free markets and do not need over-regulation or a paternalistic welfare state,
we will have to go for the three liberalizations knowing well that no single
liberalisation can bear fruit.</div>
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<br /></div>
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In
the context of privatisation in Pakistan, following points are of utmost
importance:</div>
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1.
Changing the economic system (in Pakistan also) is not an easy task as it
involves conflicts of interests, ie it threatens vested interests. Hence, it
needs a principled stand and a will to bring it about. It must be taken as a
matter of policy.</div>
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<br /></div>
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2.
Privatisation is part of an overall economic change, and a very important one;
but it will be of no use in the absence of price, trade and business
liberalizations.</div>
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<br /></div>
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3.
As in other cases, in doing privatisation also, government makes mistakes
unintentional as well as deliberate.</div>
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<br /></div>
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4.
Government must be criticised for the mistakes it makes; not only criticised
but brought to the court as happened recently in the case of Pakistan Steel
Mills privatisation; and the functionaries must be made responsible, fined and
punished.</div>
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<br /></div>
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5.
If privatisation is to be done, do privatise all of the business enterprises,
and let there be a competition. Keeping some selected enterprises with the
state with a privileged status will hurt the competition.</div>
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6.
The cost of transition, or say privatisation, must be kept in mind.</div>
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<br /></div>
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7.
The privatised units may or may not succeed; as un-protected private sector, in
sharp contrast to protected public sector, faces cut-throat competition, and,
as happens with such businesses, may meet failures.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="direction: ltr; text-align: left; unicode-bidi: embed;">
8.
Like all other legislations, privatisation legislation may be wrong,
manipulated, manoeuvred, vested, rent-seeking, etc, and its implementation and
execution partial or flawed or skewed, but what is needed: it must be
discussed, exposed, brought to the court, and improved.<br />
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Finally,
(and so far no one has been making this point) it must be demanded that as
privatisation is lessening the size and burden of the government; in turn,
burden of taxes on people must also be lightened. This will spur both growth
and development.</div>
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Note:
This article was completed in July 2007. </div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-40268146662273519012016-05-24T19:19:00.000+05:002016-05-24T19:21:41.142+05:00How to Privatize Successfully - Part I<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</xml><![endif]-->Changing
the economic system is not an easy task. And, of course, it is more complex
when carried out half-heartedly. As privatisation is only a part of this
process, it may not succeed if done in an isolated manner. It needs certain
other changes and a competitive environment to bear fruit.<br />
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A
case in point is Czechoslovakia. It provides us with a very good learning
experience to see how after the fall of a collectivist state the gigantic task
of changing the economic system was handled.</div>
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Presently,
Dr Vaclav Klaus is President of the Czech Republic. He was Prime Minister from
1992 to 1997. Dr Klaus was one of the key members of a movement, Velvet
Revolution, which overthrew communism in Czechoslovakia and one of the founders
of the Czechoslovak Civic Forum Movement, the leading political organisation
following the Velvet Revolution in 1989.</div>
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He
was the first non-Communist Finance Minister of Czechoslovakia. He is a highly
awarded economist and politician, with many publications and awards, including
the Schumpeter Prize for Economy. He is of the opinion that it is much more
difficult to change the economic system. The starting point of this change in
Czechoslovakia was liberalisation and de-regulation of markets.</div>
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This
move consisted of three main liberalisation's:</div>
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i) price liberalisation, ii) trade liberalisation, and iii) business
liberalisation. As to the price liberalisation, he says for others it is
difficult to imagine but for 40 years people in Czechoslovakia had totally
frozen and administered prices. So liberalising prices was a dramatic shock.</div>
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Making
a comparison, he says Australians spent years or decades discussing
liberalising the price of milk in Australia! But in Czechoslovakia they didn't
have just one case of milk! They had hundreds, thousands of prices with
possibly the same impact upon individuals in different groups of society.</div>
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The
second move, trade liberalisation, was also a dramatic one. It meant opening
the country after 40 years of semi-autocratic and protected economy. And, the
third one was liberalisation of entry into the market for all types of
enterprises, both private and foreign.</div>
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He
says these three liberalisation's represented the first stage of transition,
and not only changed the whole society but enormously increased the supply of
goods and services also. It effected an equilibrium in the market overnight. It
interrupted some of the old, deeply built-in behaviour of citizens; it attacked
and endangered various old habits they inherited from the communist past.</div>
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He
readily admits that realising such changes was socially difficult, politically
relatively brave but technically easy because most of the measures required
just had to be announced. Again citing the case of milk price, he says that to
deregulate or liberalise the price of milk Australians, or for that matter
anyone, don't need sophisticated theories.</div>
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Don't
need the involvement of university professors or experts on micro- or macro-
economics. It is sufficient to meet at eight o'clock in the evening and to
announce on TV that tomorrow morning at 8am the price of milk is free to move.
That is what they did in Czechoslovakia.</div>
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However,
he says, the second stage of transition was not an easy one. It required more
positive and constructive activity from the government. Because, it was
necessary not only to introduce such passive transformation measures, but also
to implement some active measures. It was necessary to build, establish new,
and/or transform old institutions and organisations.</div>
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And,
of course, he rightly admits, the crucial point in this respect was
privatisation. But, it was really impossible to wait for the slow emergence of
hundreds and thousands of private enterprises - built starting from nothing -
and for the slow disappearance of state-owned enterprises which eleven years
ago in former Czechoslovakia represented almost 100% of the whole economy. He
emphatically says: So we had to privatise. It's an accepted exercise.</div>
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Here
it is quite relevant to repeat a story that he tells: in one of the conferences
of Mont Pelerin Society, he met one Polish guy who was the second member of the
Society following him from the post-communist world.</div>
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He
wrote a very interesting study suggesting that privatisation was a mistake. He
is unique, he is alone in this. But do you know why? His disbelief in the
capabilities of the government is so absolute that he even wouldn't let the
government privatise - that's really rather revolutionary. But he is alone in
this respect.</div>
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Dr
Klaus's narrative of their privatisation is but immeasurably instructive. He
says: We had to privatise, we decided, and it was necessary to privatise the
state-owned firms on a massive scale, on a wholesale basis, not just individual
firms.</div>
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This
is something I always have to repeat and to stress because everyone compares privatisation
in post-communist countries with privatisation in France, Sweden, the
Netherlands. I am not an expert on it, but I always say that the brave Margaret
Thatcher privatised three or four firms a year, whereas we had to privatise
three or four firms per hour! Because otherwise it would have taken a century
to do that job. For that reason, we had to use some non-standard methods of
privatisation; we had to do experiments and different exercises.</div>
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So
privatisation in Czechoslovakia was extremely difficult both politically and
technically. Rather he says: I'm sure that in any country as well, whatever the
government does, the politicians are accused either of favouritism - of
selecting inappropriate owners - or of not getting the best or highest possible
price.</div>
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In
any individual case, in any Western country, this is the case. When I look in
Europe at privatising Air France or privatising one firm in Belgium or one in
Sweden or the Netherlands, or elsewhere, it is the same story.</div>
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So
we [the government] were definitely the perfect option for such criticism
because in thousands of cases, some were successful and some were not
successful. Some of the future owners succeeded fully, some did not. Some
immediately tried to get rid of the assets in a rather cheap way and so on.</div>
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But,
if privatisation needs to be done, it has to be done because it is the decisive
step in transforming the economic system. So, in Czechoslovakia too, Dr Klaus
says, privatisation was done and it was the decisive step. It was like crossing
the Rubicon. The political costs were unavoidable but it had to be done and to
be done as quickly as possible.</div>
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Relating
other aspects of privatisation, he says: The problem is that the people in my
country and elsewhere probably assumed, that because of the undisputed
efficiency of the private market economy as compared to the command economy or
centrally planned economy, that every firm and economic activity had to
succeed.</div>
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You
know very well that it's not true even in a major, stable, developed economy.
And of course it is much less true in an economy in transition with a
dramatically changing economic environment, in competition with much stronger
partners from the rest of the world, and without sufficient experience.</div>
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As
is said, "There are no free lunches," Dr Vaclav Klaus reminds that
there are no 'free' economic transitions. The 'economic transition' is a very costly
process. It's an investment and usually, just like any investment has costs and
benefits and the business people know that usually when you make an investment,
you pay the costs first and you may get the benefits with a considerable delay.
The transition from communism to a free society was an investment in some
respects, and the costs were really enormous.</div>
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Also,
he makes a mention of the size of the costs his country had to go through. And,
according to his estimates, in his country they were lower than in other
countries. In the first three years of transition they lost one third of their
industrial output - one third.</div>
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As
he says if we take all of the business people, two would succeed and one would
collapse. They lost one quarter of their agriculture output - one quarter - and
they lost one fifth of their GDP -and it was lower than in most of the
countries in transition.</div>
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So
in Czechoslovakia too, transition and privatisation were connected with many
business failures and the one who was blamed was the government, of course, not
the individuals owning and managing those firms. He tells that it became
fashionable to argue that the failures were caused by unsuccessful
privatisation and an insufficient legislative and institutional framework.</div>
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And,
he admits, there is no doubt that both privatisation and the formation of new
legislation of market accompanying institutions was as imperfect as any human
activity. But the main problem, in his opinion, was that the citizens were not
prepared to accept or to live with the phenomenon of a business failure, both
at micro and macro level.</div>
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As
to foreign help in the process of transition, he tells that sometime back he
was asked to give a speech together with German economists to compare the
transition and transformation of Germany in the 1950s and the Czech Republic in
the 1990s.</div>
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He
says it was a very interesting exercise; one of the differences was really the
fact that there was huge foreign help to Germany. We didn't get it, we have
really got nothing in the last ten years, and we didn't ask for it. The role of
the rest of the world in this respect was really zero.</div>
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Note:
This article was completed in July 2007.</div>
</div>
Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-55814771021235380702016-05-02T10:01:00.000+05:002016-05-02T10:04:15.741+05:00Pakistan – victim of a dangerous theory of knowledge<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<i>He knows nothing; and he thinks he knows everything. That points clearly
to a political career.</i>[George Bernard Shaw, 1856-1950]<br />
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<i>People are difficult to govern because they have too much knowledge.<br />
</i>[Lao Tzu, 604 BC - 531 BC]</div>
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Underneath our views of everything lies a theory of knowledge.</div>
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We have views about the world, and what exists in and beyond the world.
We have views about man, his nature, his destiny, and his place in the society
and the world. We have views about society, about people and about the things
people believe in and do not believe in and about things people do and do not
do. We have views about everything. Sometimes we are aware of the implications
of our views and sometimes not. But most of the time we are never aware of the
theory of knowledge lying behind our views.</div>
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We make a cultural conviction: The onslaught of Western media is ruining
our values. We express an economic view: Concentration of wealth in a few hands
is dangerous for the society. We utter a political statement: People of
Pakistan are not fit for democracy; they are worth a dictatorship. All these
statements are based on certain theories of knowledge.</div>
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Let's analyse the political statement. Just as most of the elder people
in Pakistan believe that younger ones must not be allowed freedom, they need to
be dictated in everything; because they will make mistakes, harm themselves,
and will be misled. Likewise, the intellectual, economic and political
stalwarts preach that people need not be given free choice; it will put them in
the way of harm, and they will not be able to use this freedom positively and
constructively. And the governments in Pakistan practice this philosophy.</div>
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The political statement derives its strength from this knowledge: that
people are incapable of living life independently and responsibly; so they need
to be supervised and controlled in their choices and behavior. Further, this
presupposes that some people are endowed with higher reason while most of the
lot have no grain of reason. They will harm and kill themselves. Thus making
use of this theory the few selected ones seize the freedom of others.</div>
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I remember a chat with a graduate student that surprised me to the
utmost; but it helps us realise the social stratification embedded in our
mindset. Also, it is this thinking that makes us believe and think and practice
that this stratification must be kept in place at any cost. This is a sort of
intellectual elitism. The student was contending that individual freedom will
lead people astray, they need supervision and control. My view was that freedom
will ultimately make them learn and behave responsibly. He was sharp enough to
derive the conclusion: Then, they all will become wise. The fear he was in was
not that all the people will become wiser, but that he, a wise one, will no
more be wiser than others.</div>
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This is just one aspect of the theory of knowledge in vogue in Pakistan.
On one level, this theory states that elders are know-it-all. Sure, by elders
are meant those who are older in age. This cliche also helps keep the
authoritarian structure intact. Respect and obey the elders! Why only elders?
Why not everyone, be he a kid or a young one or an old one? Everybody needs and
deserves respect irrespective of his age, gender, status, or any distinction or
discrimination.</div>
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This theory of knowledge, on the one hand, implies that age and
particularly life-experience make older people wiser, they must be respected
and obeyed; on the other hand, it defies the facts of experience of humanity
that reason, understanding, wisdom, knowledge are not characteristic of age or
life-experience. These faculties may be attained in any age (of course, not in
childhood) and with little or no experience at all. Or, it may be added that,
as almost all of the elder people are not wise or knowledgeable, only a
fraction of them could be counted as such.</div>
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Another aspect of this theory of knowledge, and the most dangerous one,
is that the one who is powerful is right. It is fatally implicative. That the
powerful is the wisest one! That the powerful is the most knowledgeable one!
That the powerful is the omniscient one! That the powerful is the Truth!</div>
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Be it known here that powerful is not only the one who is the mightiest,
but he is one also who happens to exercise any authority, rightfully or
wrongfully. This authority may be derived from age, or claim to
life-experience, or social or monetary status, or degreed knowledge, or power,
be it military or physical, or any such things, or even to claimed honesty and
piety.</div>
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As political leaders and dictators issue declarations that they honestly
want to help the poor; or as generally people opine in Pakistan that our
country needs some honest leaders and rulers; I am forced to thinking that as
'with fine sentiments bad literature is made,' with fine feelings bad
government is made. This is yet another aspect of the theory of knowledge under
discussion: that the honest and the pious one is right; he is knowledgeable; he
is wise; and, he is the possessor of Truth.</div>
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Actually, all these and other theories like these try to base knowledge
on the source from where it is issuing, emanating, and endow the source a
status of authority. Its argument goes thus: because the authority says so, it
is right. In political arena, the most glaring example from the recent history
of Pakistan is the doctrine of necessity. Since a powerful one has done the act
X, the act X is not only right, but it must needs be righted. This opens the
way to a life of might is right. What we are experiencing today in the form of
rule of the influential elites is this life of unreason and un-freedom.</div>
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The implications and consequences of such a theory of knowledge are far
reaching and most destructive. In the first instance, this blocks the search
for Truth in every domain of life and learning. This confines knowledge to some
individuals and to some cliches. This kills the urge to a happy life. This sows
in people an unyielding appetite to live the life of others and not their own;
and as a result, they are intent upon controlling and dictating other people.
This creates an oppressive state inside every individual within an oppressive
state. They become a reflection of the state they live under. This is the most
dangerous state of affairs since this turns every individual at war with other
individuals.</div>
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The theory of knowledge that can bring us out of this inhuman situation
is actually no theory of knowledge. This is a better option because that theory
will be competing with the other theory and basing one's ideas and behavior on
such a theory the status of which is yet to be determined is dangerous too.
This no-theory-of-knowledge is just a way of living; or it may be termed a
theory of conduct. This is like agreeing upon some initial code of doing
something before setting out to doing that something as a learning experience.</div>
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American pragmatist, John Dewey, was right when he said that the 'most
pressing problem of humanity is living together'. Unless one renounces social
life, he is bound to live among people very unlike him. Personally, I think
that the most difficult learning we obtain the most difficult way is that
people are different from our own selves. To reconcile with these differences
and accommodate with these people with these differences is what we need to
learn to live a happy life.</div>
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All this entails a theory of conduct: that we ought to behave in a
manner that does not interfere with other persons' freedoms. In other words,
this amounts to saying that every individual is endowed in himself with certain
freedoms that no other person can lay claim to other than he himself alone. For
sure, every one of us has a claim but to his own life; that no person owns life
of other person/s unless they authorise him to do so. Likewise, everyone is
free to live as he wishes and do as he likes provided he does not intrude into
such freedoms of other persons. This theory of conduct holds true in every
domain of life, be it social, political, economic or any other. Indeed, this
leaves undisturbed the state of other theories of knowledge, lets them compete
with one another, and to be discussed, debated, refuted and adhered to by its
proponents and opponents alike. But one thing it does not submit to is
encroachment upon these freedoms of any person irrespective of his age, gender,
beliefs, status, and distinction or discrimination.</div>
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Of course, now to protect these freedoms of every individual we need an
authority. This authority is nothing but Law. This law provides for these basic
and inalienable freedoms to all equally. The law that curtails or limits these
freedoms in any way is repugnant to its own purpose. This kills its own spirit.
The people who are invested with the authority of using these laws are bound by
the same laws. They are not free to act and behave as they choose. They are not
kings, or rulers; they are simply in a contract with the people whose freedoms
they are supposed to protect. This makes them responsible and liable to the
lawful authority instituted by the law of the land. In case of any violation,
they are to be tried by the same laws like everyone else. Sure, they are not
accountable to the people they have been obligated to serve. They are the
offender of the law and it is only law that can put them to any trial.</div>
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Now it is these laws that provide for the establishment of various
institutions and see to it that these institutions run independently and within
their mandated jurisdiction, and that no outside influence intervenes with
their functioning. Actually, these institutions form and determine the life and
soul of a society, its overall health. If the institutions are made to bow down
before the rulers, be they dictators or democrats or any other individuals or
groups, or if the institutions play to the whims of the powerful, this is
definitely symptom of a sick society where a happy life is not possible. Probably,
it is this context that helps explain why an individual cannot live happily
even in isolation under such circumstances.</div>
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Till this March 09, Pakistan has been a chronically sick society
produced unseemingly by a dangerous theory of knowledge discussed briefly in
the above paragraphs. But after this March 09, Pakistan is a patient with the
hope of a fast recovery. I say hope, because if this hope dies, the patient
will lie dormant for a long time to come. Isn't it the clearest silver lining
that sixty years' history could not cite an instance of 'NO' to the rulers from
the most important institution of Pakistani society, the Judiciary; and now
there is a 'NO', the first ever 'NO' from the judiciary of Pakistan and lo that
has been taken up like a symbolic flag first and foremost by the community of
lawyers and mediamen secondly? As it is beyond the pale of power politics that
is why political parties are in the process of being exposed on this issue of
'NO'. They know very well they too cannot afford this 'NO' from the judiciary,
and sure they do need a subservient judiciary.</div>
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But there are other lessons also: first of all, people have forsaken the
fear of saying NO; they have come to know that there is a community clad in
black coats and another community with pens and mics in hands and cameras on
shoulders that can face the powerful elites ruling over Pakistan exclusively;
they have come to realise that it is the emancipation of the judiciary from
where the process of rebirth of a new Pakistan may set in motion; they have
come to feel the importance of the moment as has been phrased as the 'defining
moment'. It may be noted here that these lessons kindle another hope that will
survive the death of the judiciary in Pakistan if it happens.</div>
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So, if the judiciary emerges triumphant out of this battle, it will have
to take up many tasks to help a new and truly free Pakistan to be reborn. The
first task is to ensure rule of law in Pakistan. The second is to ensure to the
people of Pakistan their fundamental rights provided in the constitution of
Pakistan. This is what people in return expect from the judiciary: it must
protect their life, their property, and their basic inalienable freedoms both
in the first instance from the encroaching state, and then from encroaching
groups and individuals.</div>
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Not only this, people also unknowingly want such changes in the
constitution which will ensure to them their inalienable freedoms such as
freedom to think and express themselves, freedom to earn and spend as they
wish, freedom to pursue happiness as they choose, and freedom to live freely.
It will be an uphill task for the judiciary to protect people from elite groups
of various sorts: social, cultural, intellectual, religious, political, and
economic.</div>
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In fact, the judiciary will have to show clearly that it is no part of
any theory of knowledge, this one or that one; or it is no accomplice in the
promotion or pursuance of any theory of knowledge whatsoever. If it happens to
be a party to any theory of knowledge, it will be a fatal blow to the spirit of
humanity our society is already short of because since 1947 Pakistan has been a
victim of above-discussed dangerous theory of knowledge that deprived its
people of all what was human in human beings, and made them a people with no values
at all. This means that the Judiciary will have to stick to the theory of
conduct instead. It will have to make sure that this theory is taken and
implemented in letter and spirit fairly and strictly. In other words, it will
have to protect the inalienable freedoms of the people of Pakistan. It should
get ready and prepare for the same!</div>
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Note: This article was completed in March 2007.</div>
</div>
Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-54425575181327727482016-04-11T22:46:00.000+05:002016-04-11T22:48:29.995+05:00Cynicism and the Theory of Lesser Evil<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
[Here is the part 4 of the article: "Cynicism and Pakistan."]<br />
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The Theory of Lesser Evil (TLE) is a manifestation of cynicism. As
cynicism finds its meaning mainly in negativity and faultfinding, TLE too believes
that everything is Evil; there is no Good. If everything is Evil, and there
exists no Good, then what we are free to do is make a choice between all the
Evil things. Nonetheless, TLE makes room for things which are more Evil and
which are less Evil. This seems to be a ploy to carve out a niche for human
choice; otherwise, if everything is Evil, then there is no question of making
any choice. In that case, we are all condemned and doomed to live with Evil.
But the choice between the things more Evil and the things less Evil allows for
us to live with things which are less Evil. Herein lie the roots of the Theory
of Lesser Evil.</div>
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So the first thing which requires to be explained is: the TLE as a
manifestation of cynicism holds no water. Cynicism itself, which believes in
all-pervasive negativity, is inconsistent. Even if it is not rejected on its
own view that “everything is negative” as negative, it may be challenged by its
self-defeating argument: it views everything as negative. It is this view about
things which helped man improve upon and evolve the things. In another sense,
by declaring negativity as over-riding, it may have exhorted and appealed
people to think and act about changing them. That means at least in one of its
outcomes, cynicism appeared not as negative, and thus helped man move forward. In
addition, it may be noted that in its total or not-so-total rejection of
everything as negative and faulty, cynicism by implication seeks to align with
an all pure perfectionism.</div>
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Also, cynicism is a view about things and not a statement of fact about
things which it tries to feign. In that sense, as one view among so many others,
it mirrors merely one aspect of reality. Since as a philosophical view,
cynicism may not be confined to personal considerations of men in case of whom
it is based on negative experiences, and since all of their experiences could
not have been negative, and it is certain other factors such as bent of mind,
psychic perspectives, etc, which may have caused them to be cynical in their
attitudes, their cynicism turns out to be a matter of attitude and not of their
philosophical view. That clarifies the cynical position of Paki cynics as grounded
in their personal attitudes, and not as a consistent view about the things
prevailing in the country. That is most obvious in the realm of politics, where
due to their cynical attitudes, intellectuals and commentators have miserably
failed to understand and analyze the nature of the polity of Pakistan; and thus
their cynicism tries to justify the same polity which they declare as
absolutely negative.</div>
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Let it be admitted that it’s not clear whether it was gradually
increasing voter turnout in elections that forced cynics to propound the Theory
of Lesser Evil so that the participation of comparatively overwhelming majority
of the citizens in elections could be justified or it was the other way round,
and though I find myself on the side of the former view, I think it requires
detailed research to establish the temporal precedence of the fact of voter
turnout over the TLE’s formulation and also to sort out when and how the TLE
came to be formulated. However, be that as it may, there is this Theory of
Lesser Evil which till now prevails as the dominant view about the things
political in Pakistan. </div>
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It may also be noted here that although the Theory of Lesser Evil is a
manifestation of cynicism, at the same time it needs to be realized that the
TLE is inconsistent with an over-riding cynicism; that is, how it unravels the
essence of cynicism and breaks out of the cynic shell to connect with the
reality strikes at its own root. In that it creates space for two things.
First, that not everything is negative and we may not succeed to find fault
with everything. Second, that despite the fact that everything is negative and
faulty, there are certainly such things which are not that negative and not
that faulty as others are which may be said totally negative and totally faulty.
That is, it is such things which are less negative and less faulty with which
we can connect. That’s something verily positive; it accepts the negative
reality and sees some parts of the reality or political reality as acceptable
since they are less negative and less faulty. </div>
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In view of the above, it may be concluded that perfectionism as a
cherished ideal aside, in reality things may both be evil and good; it means
nothing is perfectly good or perfectly evil with an either-or choice. That
amounts to saying that, for instance, in a situation all the things may appear evil,
but in fact they are not; this or that or something/s may be good, and it is
with such a thing that we need to connect not only to strengthen it but to
increase the magnitude of good also. In the realm of politics, it translates to
mean that not every political party is perfectly evil or perfectly good; not every
idea and act of a political party is evil or perfectly good; it may be both,
but this or that political party or this or that idea and act of it may in fact
be good, and it is with this or that political party or this or that idea and
act of it that we need to connect not only to strengthen it but to encourage
and fight the evil also. That is absolutely essential to discourage, weaken and
debunk cynicism in Pakistan in the field of politics and in general as well if
we want to come out of the false spell of the Theory of Lesser Evil.</div>
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One last point: a cynic or not-a-cynic may raise the question: how to
judge which political party or which of its idea and act is good or which evil.
Simply, it’s the constitution which provides us with that yardstick that helps
see and identify good and evil in the realm of politics especially. Another
lesson: not only the “ends” of a party but its “means” also which it adopts to
seek them need to be judged on the touchstone of the constitution. Finally, as
the constitution is basically a moral document, we are bound to judge how far
every political party and every idea and act of it is in accordance with the values
of the constitution of the country, and also how far it accords with the moral
values of humanity.</div>
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Link to the 1st part of this article: <a href="http://notesfrompakistan.blogspot.com/2015/05/cynicism-in-pakistan.html">Cynicism in Pakistan</a> </div>
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Link to the 2nd part of this article: <a href="http://notesfrompakistan.blogspot.com/2016/02/cynicism-and-politics-in-pakistan.html">Cynicism and the politics in Pakistan</a> </div>
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Link to the 3rd part of this article: <a href="http://notesfrompakistan.blogspot.com/2016/02/cynicism-and-political-evolution-of.html">Cynicism and the political evolution of Pakistan</a> </div>
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Note: This article was completed on October 24, 2014. </div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-81946607694352306802016-03-07T11:23:00.000+05:002016-03-07T11:24:34.959+05:00A State that Took over Society<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<i>You
can bring the rich to the level of the poor overnight but it takes a lifetime
to lift the poor to the level of the rich.</i><br />
- Irish proverb</div>
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During
the 1970s, Pakistan went in for wholesale nationalization of its private
enterprises, taking even educational institutions into the state’s hands. This
was a move laden with far-reaching and unforeseeable consequences. Some are
still being unveiled today. It changed not only the economic and political, but
also the social, intellectual and moral landscape of the country for
generations to come.</div>
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The
story began in 1968, with a political movement basing itself purely on
totalitarian economic agenda. Its slogans were reminiscent of an ancient
collective tribal life where everything belonged to everyone. Two of these
were: ‘socialism is our economy’ and ‘all power to the people.’ The movement
was built on the myth of 22 wealthy families: it was argued that the sole cause
of poverty of the people of Pakistan was the concentration of wealth in the
hands of a few big industrialists. This myth was exploited fully to gain the
political benefit.</div>
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Thus,
under the Nationalization Order of 1972, a number of industries such as iron
and steel, basic metals, heavy engineering, heavy electrical, assembling and
manufacturing of motor vehicles and tractors, heavy and basic chemicals,
petrochemicals, cement, public utilities, power generation, transmission and
distribution, and gas and oil refineries were nationalized. The Order
ostracized the private sector from economic areas of ‘crucial importance’. In
1972 all private educational institutions, including schools, were shifted to
the public sector. The second Order in 1974 led to the nationalization of
banks, life insurance, shipping and marketing of petroleum products. In 1976,
2,815 cotton ginning, rice husking and flour milling units were taken over. It
‘created an administrative nightmare and widespread resentment,’ as an analyst
said.</div>
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More
important were the revolutionary changes in the wake of nationalization. The
damage was more than economic: mutual trust and regard for personal freedom and
property disappeared. It was just like a powerful windstorm uprooting
everything coming in its way. There was simultaneous nationalization of social
and moral values of Pakistani society. Thus, out of the dust of this storm
emerged a new ethic that ultimately proved inimical to basic principles of
human civilization. In time, these values pervaded the thinking and practices
of people at all levels of society.</div>
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The
foremost value was: ‘all wealth is evil.’ Some of the other values let us sense
the gravity of the crisis: that wealth can only be earned by evil means; or, it
is created only through evil means; that one who has wealth has got it through
evil means; that the wealth one has, was stolen from someone else; that wealth
is not a private property; that it is to be owned only collectively; and last
but not least, that earning it in any manner is perfectly justified.</div>
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These
values reflect only the tip of the iceberg. The crisis was so deep and
pervasive that it engulfed and destroyed all profit-incentive, work-incentive,
work ethics and business ethics. The very concept of property rights and
justice was dismantled, resulting in an unprecedented jungle-like anarchy where
everything belonged to everyone, and ultimately came to belong to none but the
mightiest.</div>
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Naturally,
the nationalized entities were mercilessly plundered, over-employed and finally
collapsed. This gave rise to a kleptocratic institution of government and a
kleptocratic society as well. One of Pakistan’s greatest entrepreneurs, G.M.
Adamjee, pondered, "In a society neck-deep in corruption, I more often
than not find myself a misfit. There is no place for a veteran
businessman."</div>
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Under
the circumstances, the state acquired the role of an instrument of making and
redistributing money, and it was the influential elite that used it most, made
money and redistributed money the most. This elitist system benefited only a
few - and those who were networked. All politics of the elitist state found an
exclusive focus ready to be exploited for amassing wealth, and cultivated a
general consensus that the state must provide for all of the citizens according
to their wishes, no matter what their social and economic status is. This
induced an unrelenting scramble for power and money.</div>
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Poverty
was now to be considered a disadvantage for individuals, caused by the larger
earnings of the rich. It meant that the poor were poor because the rich were
rich. This was a situation of mistaken targeting: it was not the rich
industrialists or capitalists who were responsible for the poverty or low
standard of living for people at large as was understood generally. The people
who were at the helm of the affairs - regardless of whether they were
industrialists or landlords, bureaucrats or politicians or others - grabbed political power and resources, and
exploited the rest.</div>
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All
this prevented Pakistan from moving towards and forward on the path to
development and prosperity for all.</div>
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When
the economy had reached a state where it was in a shambles, the winds changed
direction. It was during the 1990s that Pakistan started treading on the path
to de-nationalization, privatization, and then moved ahead with de-regulation
and liberalization with a hope to redress the damage done till date. But of
course, it will take time for confidence and mutual trust to be restored among
the people, and between the people and the state. Moreover, the damage done to
the social and moral fabric of society will take a much longer time to heal.
The society of Pakistan is still in a state of valuelessness and lawlessness!</div>
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Note: This
article was completed in February 7, 2008.</div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-46172771402067306982016-02-28T10:47:00.002+05:002016-02-28T10:56:20.329+05:00An elegy for Lahore<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
O the Ashraaf Rulers! Develop new cities and have your dreams fulfilled; have Metro Buses and Metro Trains there and whatever you want! Why do you raze and destroy our cities, our Lahore! <a href="http://notesfrompakistan.blogspot.com/2015/04/politics-and-destruction-of-our-cities.html">Let we have our own dreams live in the cities where our souls live!</a><br />
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<span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; font-size: large; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><a href="http://civilpakistan.blogspot.com/2016/02/blog-post.html">لاہور کا نوحہ:</a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">[نئے شہر بساؤ اوراپنے شوق پورے کرو؛ ہمارے
شہر کیوں ملیامیٹ کر رہے ہو!]</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJAyug_OZw_r0R7cJTcuo2kG8VPM2TLrRSFx7a5XXVe1PRTiy9Q2yF1cIYEQVtuZUwiDn4DH3ABu67Twj-H8N05Yj9MauOcraRC_n3D0qFMzZhT0ukkkGR74N_POsb2xJHf8f8LbY6bgc/s1600/LECollage-1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJAyug_OZw_r0R7cJTcuo2kG8VPM2TLrRSFx7a5XXVe1PRTiy9Q2yF1cIYEQVtuZUwiDn4DH3ABu67Twj-H8N05Yj9MauOcraRC_n3D0qFMzZhT0ukkkGR74N_POsb2xJHf8f8LbY6bgc/s320/LECollage-1.jpg" width="80" /></a></div>
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<span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; font-size: large; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">روتی ہوئی حسرت دلِ مغموم سے نکلے</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">واویلا کرو، بین کرو، اشک بہاؤ</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">اشراف کے خوابوں تلے کچلا گیا یہ شہر</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">صیاد کے ہتھکنڈوں سے مسلا گیا یہ شہر</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">آواز کہیں تو کسی حلقوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">جو روح تھی مر بھی چکی، اربابِ سیاست!</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاشہ بہا لے جائے گا سیلابِ سیاست</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">اس شہر کا قصہ دلِ مغموم سے نکلے </span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی میت ہے ذراد ھوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">کتنی ہی عمارات جو پہچان تھیں اس کی</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">کوچے و گزرگاہیں جو کہ جان تھیں اس کی</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">نوحہ تو کسی کا لبِ مظلوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">وہ پیڑ، وہ برگد، وہ گھنے سیر کے رستے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">منزل سے کہیں بڑھ کے جو تھے خیر کے رستے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">اب قافلہ ان کا رہِ مسموم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">اس شہرِنگاراں کو ہوس نے یوں اُدھیڑا</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">جیسے کسی نادار کو رہزن نے کھُدیڑا</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">کیا کیا نہ ستم خنجرِ مزعوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">اے ساکنو! کیوں چپ ہو، پنپنے کا نہیں پھر</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">اس بار جو اجڑے گا تو بسنے کا نہیں پھر</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">کیوں شہرمٹے، ہستیِ مرقوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">کاری ہے بہت ظلم کا یہ وار سنبھالو</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">مشکل نہیں کچھ کام یہ، لاہور بچا لو</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی جاں، پنجۂ مذموم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="text-align: right;">
<span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; font-size: large; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">روتی ہوئی حسرت دلِ مغموم سے نکلے</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">واویلا کرو، بین کرو، اشک بہاؤ</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے</span><span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="ER" style="font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; font-size: large; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: large;">[15 فروری، 2016]</span></div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-89585194009140602602016-02-22T23:18:00.003+05:002016-02-22T23:18:55.554+05:00Cynicism and the political evolution of Pakistan<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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[Here is the part 3 of the article: "Cynicism and Pakistan."]</div>
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The discussion of the political cynicism here focuses only on the sections
of society which exercise influence on the formation of public opinion. These
sections may be considered as the mainstay of political cynicism in Pakistan. As
far as the general citizenry is concerned, the myth of its political apathy
evaporates with every general election held in the country. One may object: the
turnout in the elections is too small to break this myth. However, the
statistics belie it: the turnout in 2008 stood at 44 % and in 2013, 55 %. In
the world’s largest democracy, India, it was 64 %.</div>
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The mainstay of political cynicism in Pakistan comprises academics,
intelligentsia, journalists, TV channels talk show hosts (as well as
announcers!), Urdu/English newspaper columnists and op-ed contributors, and
authors of books on various subjects but with a political tilt, which include
history, Muslims history, memoirs, novels, etc.</div>
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As for the academics, both public and private, they may be termed as
unique creatures. Except some of them who have somehow found a place mostly in
print media and so they need to take a position, the large majority of them thinks
it’s not for them to think and write about the government and the state, i.e.
politics, and they are there to teach and earn their living. Their only mantra
is: “Politics is not our cup of tea; and thinking and writing about the
government and the state touches the boundaries of the political.” One more
thing: a sizeable section of them is now busy in doing research which pays. That’s
how they judge the quality of their research. </div>
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In case, the freelance thinkers and writers, who are not attached with
entities which somehow interfere with their thinking and writing, are included in
the larger group of intelligentsia in addition to journalists, TV channels talk
show hosts, Urdu/English newspaper columnists and op-ed contributors, that will
allow for another group of thinkers and writers to exist within this fold as
intellectuals who whether they think or not but do write for their political
masters or parties. This later group consists of writers who have open
political affiliations; their writings paraphrase the policy of their parties
and leaders. Since political parties are very much directed in their aims and
politics and in no way can be diagnosed with any type of cynicism, the views of
these writers do not form part of the context which the present analysis is set
in. A bigger chunk of the Pakistani intelligentsia thinks and writes in
religious terms and since most of them think and write out of sheer sanctity of
their belief, this analysis which aims at listing independent opinions does
exclude them.</div>
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After identifying the sources from where the views and arguments based
on political cynicism generate, it’s time to examine them. For want of space,
only two will be discussed here. First, most of the thinkers and writers hold
that for Pakistan there is no way out of its crisis, and it’s because of the
defects which it is afflicted from its very birth. A child with birth defects! That
amounts to saying that Pakistan is inherently un-viable. The arguments put
forward by them are quite convincing. They say: Because it is inherently un-viable,
it is unstable from the day one. The history of 67 years attests to that. It’s
no place to go into the details of the defects which make Pakistan un-viable.
Nor is it of any use to sort out those who cherish such views and why. What is
of value and needs to be refuted is their argument! </div>
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What is a viable country, they must be puzzled with this question. Whether
USA was viable; whether Rwanda, North and South Sudan are viable! Actually this
tribe of political cynics is involved in endless debates on what is it that
makes a nation, and what role religion and language play in making a people a
nation, and how to distinguish nation from nationality. To them, people,
nations, countries are like academic entities or intellectual categories the
criteria of the definition of which they must fulfill. However, in contrast, it
may be asserted that communities, people, nations, countries, whichever form
they get together and appear in, are entities of living individuals. Likewise,
for any good or bad reason, or in this or that type of circumstances, they may
come to bond themselves in the form of a new people, nation, or country. </div>
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So even after 67 years, columns, articles and books questioning the
rationale of Pakistan’s coming into being still find place on the paper, air
and websites. It is this cynicism which is intellectually holding Pakistan back
from moving ahead and evolving politically. The fact is that countries may break
and give birth to new countries, as Pakistan gave birth to a Bangladesh and a
Pakistan. </div>
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The second tribe of political cynics has a good philosophical argument
on their table to offer. It is the Theory of Lesser Evil. Like the perfect
cynics, they believe that nothing exists but the evil. In clear terms, that
means every political party or whatever takes place in the political realm of
Pakistan is evil. The most popular form this Theory acquires is during the
elections days, when this view is widespread: Out of all the evil parties, let’s choose the
lesser evil! That’s so much characteristic of the political cynics that one may
use it as a yardstick for their who’s who. Also that view gives rise to all the
revolutionaries who aim at building the Pakistani society from scratch.</div>
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Not only theoretically, but practically also, it’s not possible that in
a situation all the things are evil. Imagine a situation where nothing prevails
except evil, even there something evil may cause something good to happen. For
this focus needs to be shifted on smaller and effective things. Revolutionary
total view may not work in this context. In every situation such good things exist
to be realized by those who may have a vision to grasp them. But the Pakistani
intelligentsia does not want to wake up from its cynical slumber and remains broiled
in its futile debates. That has retarded the intellectual evolution as well as
political evolution of Pakistan.</div>
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Link to the 1st part of this article: <a href="http://notesfrompakistan.blogspot.com/2015/05/cynicism-in-pakistan.html">Cynicism in Pakistan</a></div>
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Link to the 2nd part of this article: <a href="http://notesfrompakistan.blogspot.com/2016/02/cynicism-and-politics-in-pakistan.html">Cynicism and the politics in Pakistan</a></div>
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Note: This article was completed on August 9, 2014. </div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-4538374993802326172016-02-13T21:01:00.000+05:002016-02-13T21:02:23.941+05:00Poor show<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<i>The credit for any reduction in poverty in the country goes to
privatisation, de-regulation and liberalisation, not to the so called pro-poor
expenditures.</i></div>
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Over a period of five years between 1999-2004, the government of
Pakistan spent Rs.1 trillion on poverty reduction. According to the Finance
Ministry, Poverty Reduction Special Programme included budgetary and non-budgetary
expenditures both by the federal and provincial governments.</div>
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Now, the 'Labour Force Survey 2005' (first two quarters) reports that
over the last five years, the government has spent a hefty amount of Rs.1332
billion on poverty-related and social sector programmes to help the poor and
vulnerable sections of the society. The PRSP expenditures -- budgetary and
non-budgetary -- during 2001-05 stood at Rs.1124 billion; the budgetary
expenditures averaged 4.1 per cent of the GDP for the period. Of this, the
government spent Rs.316.2 billion on pro-poor sectors exceeding the targeted
Rs.278 billion by Rs.38 billion. And, by the end of the third quarter of
2005-06, Rs.250 billion had been spent on pro-poor sectors.</div>
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Both reports count and boast of gains. For example, the writers of the
first report claim that increased pro-poor expenditures appear to have
contributed in employment generation. As a result, the unemployment rate that
was 8.3 per cent in 2001-02 declined to 7.7 per cent in 2003-2004 and to 6.5 per
cent during July- December 2005.</div>
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The report claims that since 2003-2004 and till the first half of
2005-2006, 5.82 million jobs were created while the average job creation stood
at 1.0-1.2 million per annum. This is quite unfounded and doubtful. One must
contend whether it is pro-poor expenditures that helped reduce the unemployment
rate or something else: such as de-regulation and liberalisation of the
economy. In the same breath, the writers of the report say that the IT sector
alone generated 114,737 jobs in 2005-2006. Obviously, the amount spent on
deregulation and liberalisation does not come under pro-poor expenditures.</div>
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Further evidence strengthens the doubts about the efficacy of pro-poor
expenditures in reducing poverty. The report says two sectors, education and
health, absorbed half of the pro-poor budgetary expenditures. Sure, how they
could generate jobs and reduce unemployment rate to the tune of 1.8 per cent.
The gains, according to the report, in education sector are improvement in
literacy and enrolment rates; and in that of the health sector is immunisation.</div>
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The report also tells about other programmes such as Khushal Pakistan
Programme-2 (KPP-2) and Khushal Pakistan Fund (KPF) started during 2005 for
poverty alleviation. The KPP-2 is a special programme that aims at initiating
small development schemes with an amount of Rs.20 billion to be spent during
the current fiscal year under the Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP).</div>
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Another boast of the report needs to be checked. The report claims that
the percentage of population living below the poverty line, which stood at
34.46 per cent in 2000-2001, declined to 23.9 per cent in 2004-2005. In rural
areas it fell to 28.10 per cent from 39.26 per cent while in urban areas from
22.69 per cent to 14.9 per cent. At the same time, it is argued that 'strong
economic growth' created employment opportunities. In other words, this implies
that high economic growth is a result of pro-poor expenditures.</div>
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All this is surrounded by two controversies: i) whether high economic
growth trickled down or not; and, ii) whether the number of people living below
the poverty line declined or not. Under the circumstances, it may safely be
assumed that the relation between poverty reduction expenditures and poverty alleviation
gains is not a causal one. With careful research some other factors will be
found responsible both for economic growth and poverty reduction. And, surely
these factors are de-nationalisation, privatisation, de-regulation and
liberalisation of the economy.</div>
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Let's look for some other evidence: a report that bases itself on
third-party international sources such as IMF, World Bank, world Economic
Forum, Global Competitiveness Report, International Country Risk Guide, in its
latest edition (Economic Freedom of the World 2006 Annual Report that is
actually based on the data for 2004), awards Pakistan the following scores (out
of 10; the higher the score the higher the rank and the freer the country
economically):</div>
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In the area of the size of government (that includes government
consumption, transfer and subsidies, government enterprises and investment, and
top marginal tax rate), Pakistan's score is both improving and fluctuating: in
2000 it was 6.6; in 2001, 7.3; in 2002, 7.7; in 2003, 7.3; and in 2004, 7.2.</div>
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In the area of legal Structure and security of property rights (that
includes judicial independence, impartial courts, protection of intellectual
property, military interference, and integrity of legal system), Pakistan's
overall score is declining: in 2000 it was 4.6; in 2001, 3.4; in 2002, 2.7; in
2003, 2.3; and in 2004, 2.5.</div>
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In the area of access to sound money (that includes growth of money
supply, inflation variability, recent annual inflation, and freedom to own
foreign currency), Pakistan's score is generally on the rise: in 2000 it was
6.5; in 2001, 2002, 2003, 6.8; and in 2004 6.4.</div>
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In the area of freedom to exchange with foreigners (that includes taxes
on international trade, regulatory trade barriers, size of trade sector,
official versus black market exchange rates, and restrictions on capital
markets), Pakistan's score is steadily improving: in 2000 it was 4.2; in 2001,
4.7; in 2002 5.9; and in 2003 and 2004, 5.8.</div>
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In the area of regulation of credit, labour and business (that includes
regulation of credit and labour markets, and regulation of business),
Pakistan's score on the whole is improving: in 2000 it was 5.2; in 2001, 5.6;
in 2002, 6.0; in 2003, 5.8; and in 2004, 6.5.</div>
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This explains the whole economic picture of Pakistan. Every Pakistani with
a little economic thinking knows for sure that since the regime of General
Ziaul Haq, the government in Pakistan has been on the way to denationalising
the nationalised entities, privatise the state enterprise, de-regulate the
state monopolisations and liberalise the economic and business activities,
though with a heavy heart. Indeed, it is this process that is responsible for
the reduction in poverty, not the pro-poor expenditures whether budgetary or
non-budgetary. The above scores testify to this opening of Pakistani economy.</div>
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A recent research by Goldwater Institute, USA, confirms that states with
low-tax and low-spending (Arizona, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Missouri,
Nebraska, Nevada, South Dakota, Tennessee and Texas) enjoyed sizable decreases
in poverty rates during the 1990s, while states with high-tax and high-spending
(Alaska, California, Delaware, Hawaii, Massachusetts, New Mexico, New York,
Rhode Island, Vermont and Wyoming) actually suffered an increase in their
levels of poverty. It concludes that decline in poverty in the 'small
government' states strongly confirms the hypothesis that reduced taxes and
state spending encourage the emigration of people and businesses to areas where
private-sector job growth is able to flourish and become a powerful and
effective anti-poverty programme. However, while taxes and business climate
alone are not the only factors in reducing poverty rates, they certainly help
most in the war on poverty.</div>
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A few weeks back, President General Pervez Musharraf said that he had a
deep desire to help the poor people of Pakistan. He should realise that it is
not a Herculean task. What you need to do, first and foremost, is to improve
the functioning of the legal structure and security of the property rights;
reduce the size of the government; ensure the accessibility of sound money;
assure the citizens of Pakistan freedom to exchange with foreigners; and impose
minimum of regulations on markets of credit and labour, and business activity.</div>
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This will restore to the people of Pakistan that confidence without
which they would never be able to pursue their economic ends on their own. In
simple words, people need an environment in which they are free to start a
business venture, in which their earnings are safe, their property secure,
their freedoms taken care of and their choice is not limited. This will bring
real prosperity to them which will last for generations.</div>
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Note: This article was completed in December 2006.</div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-64228712683277544992016-02-07T17:55:00.000+05:002016-02-07T17:56:48.793+05:00Cynicism and the politics in Pakistan<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Here is the 1st part of this article: <a href="http://notesfrompakistan.blogspot.com/2015/05/cynicism-in-pakistan.html">Cynicism in Pakistan</a><br />
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<b>Cynicism and the politics in Pakistan</b><br />
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Among
other things, political cynicism destroys whatever little chance may exist for
dialogue in a deteriorating situation. This I learned from our own company of
friends. Frankly, that learning came at the cost of that company’s dissolution.
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Actually
we were three to five friends who used to gather in a restaurant for chatting
after a week or so, regularly. One friend was too adamant to sustain a dialogue.
It was really next to impossible to converse with him. You say one thing and he
will trash it without any consideration. No doubt, he was fond of conspiracy
theories, and thus for him it was so easier to reject our views without having
any recourse to reason. His manner of rejecting our views was so scornful that
one could only bear it by blowing it in a laugh. </div>
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Most
of the times, he would put himself in a high position and judge upon us. He
would ascribe all the negativity and all the faults happening anywhere in the
world to us. Surprisingly, he had lost all the sense of humor also. When
someone related a joke, instead of enjoying it he would retort with a negative
opinion of any of the issues that the joke made fun of. He would make us
express our opinions about the matters which did not interest us, and in case
we declined, he would censure us for not being consistent. </div>
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At
times, he would try to test our knowledge. In case, we admit our deficiency, he
would denounce us for not being knowledgeable. If we tried to avoid his question,
he would dub us as illiterates. Sometimes he would put a question to us, if we
treated it lightly, he would frown at us; and after a lot of teasing, tell the
answer but to belittle us. </div>
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Despite
such troubles, our gatherings continued. We tried to settle ourselves with this
type of mannerism of his. Now and then, a serious quarrel would break out, and
it would appear the things were moving to their logical end. I remember that
last meeting of ours. We were discussing that ultimately it is rule of law
which may help resolve many of the issues Pakistanis are facing. He argued like
this: a law is enacted by the vote of majority, and not by all of the
representatives’ nod; hence, it must not be called law, because there are
certain representatives who did not vote for it, and certain people also who do
not accept it; and that strips rule of law of the meaning and significance we attach
to it. We tried to explain that the objection is valid and that the representatives
and people who do not accept such a law, they are free to lobby and campaign
against it, and that by gaining majority, they may repeal that law and propose another
of their choice and a better one. </div>
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His
adamancy was so hardened that he snubbed us and told us not to talk of rule of
law anymore. I tried to explain to him it is this talk for which we gather here;
despite our differences we should be open to dialogue; but to no avail. He
judged upon us like a tyrant. We made a decision to the effect that it’s
useless to gather here if we are not open to talk out our differences. After
that whenever we were together, it was minus him. </div>
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Now
when I think of him, he appears to me like a mirror in which cynic images of
Imran Khan (Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf), and Najam Sethi, Ayaz Amir, Ayesha
Siddiqa reflect with varying degrees of clarity. He had contained in him most
of the traits Pakistani political cynics most of the times exhibit. </div>
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For
an exposition of Pakistani cynicism, see my article: <i>Cynicism in Pakistan</i>,
where I tried to show that cynics generally exhibit two characteristics: first,
they are negative; and second, they are faultfinding. In addition, some of the
specific traits of Pakistani cynics were also identified. First, Pakistani
cynics believe they are not negative and not faulty all the times. In contrast
to that, every thing is negative and faulty all the times. Second, Pakistani
cynics believe that whatever negativity and whatever faultyness exist
responsibility for that rests with all the other Pakistanis, and they
themselves are never ever to be blamed a bit for that. Third, Pakistani cynics
believe only they have an exclusive claim to the possession of the truth. Also,
it’s quite possible that a cynic may be a perfect arrogant; however, it may not
be identified as another attribute characterizing Pakistani cynicism. Actually,
cynics are inherently arrogant.</div>
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Let
it be clarified here that be it Imran Khan, or Najam Sethi, or Ayaz Amir, or
Ayesha Siddiqa, in their political opinion, they are cynic, i.e. negative and
faultfinding. Likewise, they appear to believe that they are not negative and
faultfinding, whereas all or most of the things are negative and faulty. To
them, in fact, it is others who are negative and faultfinding. Also, all the
times or most of the times, they believe that only they possess the truth
exclusively. That makes them inherently arrogant, whether they show it or not.</div>
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Naturally
no one of the above personalities is a perfect cynic. They only exhibit this or
that trait and that too in varying degrees. For instance, Najam Sethi’s
analysis presents a post-mortem like demonstration of the issue under
consideration, however, in spite of listing an array of opinions, he commits to
none as if he is beyond all that and sitting very high in a judging position. As
for Ayesha Siddiqa, she appears to be solely obsessed with the so-called
all-powerful institution of the Pakistan Army. For her, nothing exists beyond
that, which may allow something to happen in Pakistan without the involvement
of Pak Army; hence her negativity. So far as Ayaz Amir’s cynicism is concerned,
he would find fault with everything, you just name it. You ask him for
something which is faultless, and he would find fault with you. (How the
political cynicism has distorted the political evolution of Pakistan would be
the topic of another piece!)</div>
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Note: This article was completed on July 31st, 2014.</div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-73151145856078896252016-01-23T11:14:00.000+05:002016-01-23T11:15:09.236+05:00The predominance of clergy in Pakistan<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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It’s
always been argued that there is no clergy among the Muslims. Is it so? Not the
least! In fact, there is all the ‘required’ evidence available to defy this
claim. Regardless of the positions and interpretations the Muslim scholars
advocate in this respect, there always existed and still exists such a body of
religiously ordained persons who use their authority in worldly as well as
other-worldly affairs of the Muslims. Even if there is no Muslim Church like
the Christian Church, the Principle of Clergy for all the practical purposes is
the same in Muslims. It may also be added that unlike the Christian Church,
where a uniformly organized clergy or popery exists, in Muslims though the same
institution does not exist in the same manner, the principle of clergy does
exist religiously in an un-organized and politically in an organized manner. Hence,
what’s important is not the institution, but the principle of clergy that’s
predominant in Pakistan!</div>
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In
Europe especially, the clergy used to exert unflinching influence on political
as well as public life. It’s the same sway which gave rise to the historically
well-know tussle between the state and the church. As the institution of the
state could not make any headway under the burden of the clergy which had its
own axe to grind, it tried to extend its writ by freeing itself from the clutches
of the clergy. In fact, it was gradually that the clergy ceded its control to
the state represented by kings. To see how fierce the struggle was and how the
kings brought things under their control, one may look into the details of the
murder of Thomas Beckett, Archbishop of Canterbury. </div>
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As
Ian Jarvie, a philosopher, dubs Reason as a jealous God, which tolerates no
other authority questioning its authority, in the same manner in political
philosophy, state is termed as the association of associations, which tolerates
no other association up and above its position. Actually it’s in the nature of
the concept of the state that it allows for no other authority, whatsoever it
is, to question its writ. In that sense, and logically too, it represents the
ultimate authority, and if it’s an ultimate authority, by implication no other
authority can override its control. In other words, it means the state
monopolizes the process of law-making and its implementation which
indispensably involves violence. That’s the essence of the conflict between the
state and the church which Europe witnessed during the middle ages. It was only
after it got freedom from the clergy’s clout that the state started moving
towards evolving just rules and laws. </div>
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Let
me venture to say that the same conflict is being waged in Pakistan (and in
other Muslim countries also). In this case, it’s a conflict between the
principle of (Pakistani) state and the principle of (Muslim) clergy. Even
during the days of Sultanate and Mughal Empire, Muslim clergy tried to direct
the state represented by kings. Under the British, its influence waned, and it
went into a state of recoil. With time, it reacted, resented, and then exhorted
Muslims to wage Jehad against the British. More to it, it was as frantic in
snubbing the individuals and groups whose efforts focused on liberalizing the
rigid regime of clergy and weakening its clout. When the prospects of one
constitution to be agreed upon between the Muslim League and Congress dwindled,
the Muslim clergy found sufficient room to exercise its influence upon Muslim
political and public life once again. That’s how what’s known as the Movement
for the attainment of Pakistan got baptized; the clergy tried hard to sort of
hijack it. However, the real act of hijacking the state ensued when the real
state of Pakistan emerged in 1947.</div>
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It’s
this background that eclipsed the process of the making of the constitution in
early Pakistan. The two crucial issues which constantly proved to be a
stumbling block were the political and religious character of the constitution.
The former manifested the pre-partition dynamics of Muslim League’s politics in
Sindh, Punjab, and NWFP, i.e. how it got them to support its cause. Now in
Pakistan, the Muslim League failed in offering them a viable political bonding.
The latter issue, the religious character of the constitution reflects the
clout of the Muslim clergy immeasurably exercised by it though it had no
matching representation in the legislative body. See the details of the debates
both inside and outside the various legislative organs regarding the religious
character of the constitution: Whether it was a ploy of the politicians and
political parties that they made use of the clergy to secure their interests
and appeased it or the clergy was so potent and enjoyed so popular a base in
Pakistan that in the end it succeeded in obtaining a place for the principle of
clergy in the constitution; and thus it defied the principle of the state.</div>
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So
far as the 1973 constitution is concerned, nothing changed with it either. The
principle of clergy in Pakistan remained as forcefully effective as it was
earlier. In contrast, and consequently, the principle of state proved as
ineffective as it had always been. With time, instead of weakening, the
principle of clergy became stronger, and resultantly the state went weaker and
weaker so that what we have today is a limping state creaking under the burden
of the Muslim clergy’s agenda. It’s no place to visit how the principle of
clergy strengthened in Pakistan; and as for who is responsible (politicians or
military) for its rise by way of, for instance, unduly appeasing it. Two things
stand un-denied. In spite of deriving its support from a devoutly religious Muslim
population, the Muslim clergy completely failed in converting its religious
following into its political following, i.e. its politics failed it miserably. That
means it’s politicians and political parties which allowed it to have a field
day in Pakistan. </div>
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In
the end, it may be concluded that for the state of Pakistan the fateful moment
will come only when it decides to free itself from the ravages of the principle
of clergy, and set itself to evolve just rules and laws in order to protect
life, property, and freedoms of its each and every citizen!</div>
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Note: This article was completed on January 26, 2015.</div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7038909266234998663.post-62874962270946586722016-01-14T10:29:00.000+05:002016-01-14T10:30:00.538+05:00No. 1 enemy of the people of Pakistan<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">پاکستن کے سیاست دانوں نے، خواہ وہ جمہوریت کا لبادہ اوڑھے ہوئے ہیں
یا مذہب کا، قریباً ستر برس سے یہاں کے شہریوں کو ٹرک کی بتی کے پیچھے لگایا ہوا
ہے۔</span></div>
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This
Urdu saying means: Paki politicians, whether they are clad in the garb of
Democracy or Religion, have got the citizens running after the back-lights of a
Truck! In other words, the citizens of Pakistan have been made to run after a
mirage so that they are never going to reach any destination.</div>
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Recently,
there was a book-launching in Lahore. The book’s title is: NauAbaadiyati
Taaleemi Dhaancahy Ka Tasalsul (The Continuation of Neo-Colonial Educational Structure)
and it’s written by a Marxist. All the talk there focused on castigating the
British for their doing everything in their own interest. Two or three sane
voices, speaking common-sense, tried to make other commentators realize not all
that is bad had been done by the British; we did a lot of bad things ourselves.</div>
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It’s
simple arithmetic: the Indian Sub-Continent was taken over by the British Crown
after the revolt of 1857; they left us with two states of India and Pakistan to
be shaped by our own genius in 1947. That makes about 90 years. Last August,
Pakistan attained the age of 67 years. So what did we achieve in quite more
than half a century needs to be compared what the British achieved for us in
less than a century! But we are still obsessed with our own pseudo-identity,
sort of puritan spirit, which we believe and claim the British distorted and
admixed; otherwise, probably we were the Shining Star of the World!</div>
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In
effect, most of the Far Left in Pakistan is still beating the Anti-British drum.
They have other Drums too to beat. They are Anti-America; Anti-Imperialism;
Anti-West; Anti-Globalization; Anti-Trans-National-Corporations;
Anti-Multi-National-Corporations; Anti-Corporatism; Anti-WTO; Anti-WB; Anti-IMF;
Anti-ADB; so on. That’s the international side of their ideology and politics. They
have certain local indigenous enemies also. Thus, at home, they are:
Anti-Feudalism; Anti-Capitalism; Anti-Big-Business; Anti-Bourgeoisie, i.e.
Anti-Ultra-Rich; and in a Marxian sense, they are Anti-State also, i.e. they
want to make the state wither away by annihilating the classes which is in
their view an instrument of exploitation of the poor at the hands of
capitalists; so on.</div>
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Presently,
there are a good many number of Leftist, Marxist, Socialist groups working in
Pakistan. In 2012, three parties, Workers Party Pakistan, Labor Party Pakistan,
and Awami Party Pakistan, merged to form a ‘united party of the Left’: it’s
Awami Workers Party. That above-mentioned list is as true for this Party as it
is for almost all the other Leftist groups. </div>
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As
far as the Far Right is concerned, its enemies are no different from those of
the Far Left. To this day, most of the Rightist parties and groups denounce the
British for their disservice to the Muslims of the Sub-Continent, especially
Lord Macaulay for “modernizing” the Muslim education. For the Rightists, there
is another eternal enemy, the West. The USA fulfills all the criteria to act as
a perfect enemy, so it is. In its Imperialistic role, it becomes more of a
complex enemy, which dictates everything which happens in Pakistan; it makes
use of UN, The World Bank, ADB, IMF, etc, to the extent of fixing prices of
commodities and various utilities in Pakistan. One thing that distinguishes the
Far Right from the Far Left is the way they present these enemies of the people
of Pakistan: the Right dubs them as the enemy of Pakistan and Islam; whereas
the Left hates them as the enemy of the poor!</div>
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The
mainstream political parties in Pakistan differentiated as falling on the Right
or Left have got the same list of enemies; though they make use of it mostly
only when needed, or when they are in the opposition. For instance, PPP-P is
understood to be a party on the Left; PML-N on the Right; both are open to opt
for such uses. More often, they make use of these enemies in a circumlocutory way:
they promise to break the Begging Bowl!</div>
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Never
ever anyone questioned this wisdom of the Right and the Left which declares the
West, Colonialism, Neo-Colonialism, Europe, America, and Imperialism on the one
hand, and Feudalism and Capitalism on the other as the enemy of the people. Either
they mislead the people deliberately; Or they do not know the Pakistani social
and economic reality! In the second case, they or their thinking is totally
Ashraafist. Whoever lives through the social and economic reality of Pakistan cannot
help realizing that the number one enemy of the people of Pakistan is the State
of Pakistan!</div>
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Mainly
it is on two counts that the state proves to be an enemy: First, it completely neglects
its foremost function of ensuring protection of life and property to each and
every citizen. Contrary to that, it lets various groups form and flourish and
dictate the citizens what to believe and how to live and then kill them if they
don’t do their bidding. The state doesn’t protect and does not provide justice
requires no proof; it’s in the air. That means the state completely breached
the trust of the people they put in it; rather it turned criminal.</div>
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Second,
the state misuses the money taken from the citizens as taxes. Not only does it
allow other groups extort from the citizens, the state itself robs the citizens
also on this or that pretext. As far as electricity, gas and petroleum
products’ supply is concerned, it is exacting billions of rupees from the
citizens’ pockets. Add to it, the corruption-money in trillions of rupees. It’s
the state’s machinery that sucks citizens’ blood in this or that government
department regardless of its nature, whether it is a service or a collector. The
writer has demonstrated in his <i>Pakistan Mein Riyasati Ashraify Ka Urooj</i> how
Riyasati Ashrafiya has captured both the state and the market and lives off the
resources that the state accrues. In a nutshell, it’s the state which exploits
the citizens it is supposed to serve; not the feudals and capitalists, who can
never in case the state decides so! That makes the state of Pakistan a
Robber-Criminal state!</div>
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Note: This article was completed on January 17, 2015.</div>
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Khalilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16320970060879771235noreply@blogger.com0