In a world with an intellectual history of seven thousand years behind it, where do Pakistanis stand, what are they doing, what do they aspire to be, and what ought they to be doing? This Blog takes Notes of all of that ...
Monday, October 28, 2013
Saturday, October 26, 2013
Pakistan – victim of a dangerous theory of knowledge
I completed this article on April 2, 2007,
after about a month when on March 9, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, Chief Justice
of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, refused to budge before the mightiest
generals of Pakistan.
Like millions of other Pakistanis, I too was
excited; yeah there was a way out of the quagmire Pakistanis have been put into
by the Riyasati Asharafiya (State Aristocracy). However, I was trying to see
this development on the political horizon of Pakistan from a very different
angle: from the perspective of a theory of knowledge. The title I gave to this
article was: Pakistan – victim of a dangerous theory of knowledge
I sent this article to The News, which carried it by
a different title:
Judiciary’s first ever NO
Judiciary’s first ever NO
Here is this article:
Pakistan – Victim of a Dangerous Theory
of Knowledge
He knows nothing; and he thinks he knows everything.
That points clearly to a political career.
[George Bernard Shaw,
1856-1950]
People are difficult to govern because they have too
much knowledge.
[Lao Tzu, 604 BC - 531 BC]
Underneath
our views of everything lies a theory of knowledge.
We
have views about the world, and what exists in and beyond the world. We have
views about man, his nature, his destiny, and his place in the society and the
world. We have views about society, about people and about the things people
believe in and do not believe in and about things people do and do not do. We
have views about everything. Sometimes we are aware of the implications of our
views and sometimes not. But most of the time we are never aware of the theory
of knowledge lying behind our views.
We
make a cultural conviction: The onslaught of Western media is ruining our
values. We express an economic view: Concentration of wealth in a few hands is
dangerous for the society. We utter a political statement: People of Pakistan
are not fit for democracy; they are worth a dictatorship. All these statements
are based on certain theories of knowledge.
Let’s
analyze the political statement. Just as most of the elder people in Pakistan
believe that younger ones must not be allowed freedom, they need to be dictated
in everything; because they will make mistakes, harm themselves, and will be
misled. Likewise, the intellectual, economic and political stalwarts preach
that people need not be given free choice; it will put them in the way of harm,
and they will not be able to use this freedom positively and constructively.
And the governments in Pakistan practice this philosophy.
The
political statement derives its strength from this knowledge: that people are
incapable of living life independently and responsibly; so they need to be
supervised and controlled in their choices and behavior. Further, this presupposes
that some people are endowed with higher reason while most of the lot have no
grain of reason. They will harm and kill themselves. Thus making use of this
theory the few selected ones seize the freedom of others.
I
remember a chat with a graduate student that surprised me to the utmost; but it
helps us realize the social stratification embedded in our mindset. Also, it is
this thinking that makes us believe and think and practice that this
stratification must be kept in place at any cost. This is sort of intellectual
elitism. The student was contending that individual freedom will lead people
astray, they need supervision and control. My view was that freedom will
ultimately make them learn and behave responsibly. He was sharp enough to
derive the conclusion: Then, they all will become wise. . . The fear he was in
was not that all the people will become wiser, but that he, a wise one, will no
more be wiser than others.
This
is just one aspect of the theory of knowledge in vogue in Pakistan. On one level,
this theory states that elders are know-it-all. Sure, by elders are meant those
who are older in age. This cliché also helps keep the authoritarian structure
intact. Respect and obey the elders! Why only elders? Why not everyone, be he a
kid or a young one or an old one? Everybody needs and deserves respect
irrespective of his age, gender, status, or any distinction or discrimination.
This
theory of knowledge, on the one hand, implies that age and particularly
life-experience make older people wiser, they must be respected and obeyed; on
the other hand, it defies the facts of experience of humanity that reason,
understanding, wisdom, knowledge are not characteristic of age or
life-experience. These faculties may be attained in any age (of course, not in
childhood) and with little or no experience at all. Or, it may be added that,
as almost all of the elder people are not wise or knowledgeable, only a
fraction of them could be counted as such.
Another
aspect of this theory of knowledge, and the most dangerous one, is that the one
who is powerful is right. It is fatally implicative. That the powerful is the
wisest one! That the powerful is the most knowledgeable one! That the powerful
is the omniscient one! That the powerful is the Truth!
Be
it known here that powerful is not only the one who is the mightiest, but he is
one also who happens to exercise any authority, rightfully or wrongfully. This
authority may be derived from age, or claim to life-experience, or social or
monetary status, or degreed knowledge, or power, be it military or physical, or
any such things, or even to claimed honesty and piety.
As
political leaders and dictators issue declarations that they honestly want to
help the poor; or as generally people opine in Pakistan that our country needs
some honest leaders and rulers; I am forced to thinking that as ‘with fine
sentiments bad literature is made,’ with fine feelings bad government is made.
This is yet another aspect of the theory of knowledge under discussion: that the
honest and the pious one is right; he is knowledgeable; he is wise; and, he is
the possessor of Truth.
Actually,
all these and other theories like these try to base knowledge on the source
from where it is issuing, emanating, and endow the source a status of
authority. Its argument goes thus: because the authority says so, it is right.
In political arena, the most glaring example from the recent history of
Pakistan is the doctrine of necessity. Since a powerful one has done the act X,
the act X is not only right, but it must needs be righted. This opens the way
to a life of might is right. What we are experiencing today in the form of rule
of the influential elites is this life of unreason and unfreedom.
The
implications and consequences of such a theory of knowledge are far reaching
and most destructive. In the first instance, this blocks the search for Truth
in every domain of life and learning. This confines knowledge to some
individuals and to some cliches. This kills the urge to a happy life. This sows
in people an unyielding appetite to live the life of others and not their own;
and as a result, they are intent upon controlling and dictating other people.
This creates an oppressive state inside every individual within an oppressive
state. They become a reflection of the state they live under. This is the most
dangerous state of affairs since this turns every individual at war with other
individuals.
The
theory of knowledge that can bring us out of this inhuman situation is actually
no theory of knowledge. This is a better option because that theory will be
competing with the other theory and basing one’s ideas and behavior on such a
theory the status of which is yet to be determined is dangerous too. This
no-theory-of-knowledge is just a way of living; or it may be termed a theory of
conduct. This is like agreeing upon some initial code of doing something before
setting out to doing that something as a learning experience.
American
pragmatist, John Dewey, was right when he said that the ‘most pressing problem
of humanity is living together.’ Unless one renounces social life, he is bound
to live among people very unlike him. Personally, I think that the most
difficult learning we obtain the most difficult way is that people are
different from our own selves. To reconcile with these differences and
accommodate with these people with theses differences is what we need to learn
to live a happy life.
All
this entails a theory of conduct: that we ought to behave in a manner that does
not interfere with other persons’ freedoms. In other words, this amounts to
saying that every individual is endowed in himself with certain freedoms that
no other person can lay claim to other than he himself alone. For sure, every
one of us has a claim but to his own life; that no person owns life of other
person/s unless they authorize him to do so. Likewise, everyone is free to live
as he wishes and do as he likes provided he does not intrude into such freedoms
of other persons. This theory of conduct holds true in every domain of life, be
it social, political, economic or any other. Indeed, this leaves undisturbed
the state of other theories of knowledge, lets them compete with one another,
and to be discussed, debated, refuted and adhered to by its proponents and opponents
alike. But one thing it does not submit to is encroachment upon these freedoms
of any person irrespective of his age, gender, beliefs, status, and distinction
or discrimination.
Of
course, now to protect these freedoms of every individual we need an authority.
This authority is nothing but Law. This law provides for these basic and
inalienable freedoms to all equally. The law that curtails or limits these
freedoms in any way is repugnant to its own purpose. This kills its own spirit.
The people who are invested with the authority of using these laws are bound by
the same laws. They are not free to act and behave as they choose. They are not
kings, or rulers; they are simply in a contract with the people whose freedoms
they are supposed to protect. This makes them responsible and liable to the
lawful authority instituted by the law of the land. In case of any violation,
they are to be tried by the same laws like everyone else. Sure, they are not
accountable to the people they have been obligated to serve. They are the
offender of the law and it is only law that can put them to any trial.
Now
it is these laws that provide for the establishment of various institutions and
see to it that these institutions run independently and within their mandated
jurisdiction, and that no outside influence intervenes with their functioning.
Actually, these institutions form and determine the life and soul of a society,
its overall health. If the institutions are made to bow down before the rulers,
be they dictators or democrats or any other individuals or groups, or if the
institutions play to the whims of the powerful, this is definitely symptom of a
sick society where a happy life is not possible. Probably, it is this context
that helps explain why an individual cannot live happily even in isolation
under such circumstances.
Till
this March 09, Pakistan has been a chronically sick society produced
unseemingly by a dangerous theory of knowledge discussed briefly in the above
paragraphs. But after this March 09, Pakistan is a patient with the hope of a
fast recovery. I say hope, because if this hope dies, the patient will lie
dormant for a long time to come. Isn’t it the clearest silver lining that sixty
years’ history could not cite an instance of “NO” to the rulers from the most
important institution of Pakistani society, the Judiciary; and now there is a “NO”,
the first ever “NO” form the Judiciary of Pakistan and lo that has been taken
up like a symbolic flag first and foremost by the community of lawyers and
mediamen secondly? As it is beyond the pale of power politics that is why
political parties are in the process of being exposed on this issue of “NO.”
They know very well they too cannot afford this “NO” from the Judiciary, and
sure they do need a subservient judiciary.
But
there are other lessons also: first of all, people have forsaken the fear of
saying NO; they have come to know that there is a community clad in black coats
and another community with pens and mics in hands and cameras on shoulders that
can face the powerful elites ruling over Pakistan exclusively; they have come
to realize that it is the emancipation of the Judiciary from where the process
of rebirth of a new Pakistan may set in motion; they have come to feel the
importance of the moment as has been phrased as the “defining moment.” It may
be noted here that these lessons kindle another hope that will survive the
death of the Judiciary in Pakistan if it happens.
So,
if the Judiciary emerges triumphant out of this battle, it will have to take up
many tasks to help a new and truly free Pakistan to be reborn. The first task
is to ensure rule of law in Pakistan. The second is to ensure to the people of
Pakistan their fundamental rights provided in the constitution of Pakistan.
This is what people in return expect from the Judiciary: it must protect their
life, their property, and their basic inalienable freedoms both in the first
instance from the encroaching state, and then from encroaching groups and
individuals. Not only this, people also unawarely want such changes in the
constitution which will ensure to them their inalienable freedoms such as
freedom to think and express themselves, freedom to earn and spend as they
wish, freedom to pursue happiness as they choose, and freedom to live freely.
It will be an uphill task for the Judiciary to protect people from elite groups
of various sorts: social, cultural, intellectual, religious, political, and
economic.
In
fact, the Judiciary will have to show clearly that it is no part of any theory
of knowledge, this one or that one; or it is no accomplice in the promotion or
pursuance of any theory of knowledge whatsoever. If it happens to be a party to
any theory of knowledge, it will be a fatal blow to the spirit of humanity our
society is already short of because since 1947 Pakistan has been a victim of
above-discussed dangerous theory of knowledge that deprived its people of all
what was human in human beings, and made them a people with no values at all.
This means that the Judiciary will have to stick to the theory of conduct
instead. It will have to make sure that this theory is taken and implemented in
letter and spirit fairly and strictly. In other words, it will have to protect
the inalienable freedoms of the people of Pakistan. It should get ready and
prepare for the same!
[This
article was completed on April 2, 2007.]
“How the Pakistan Railways was won?” – Boots replacing books
The
following news story tells how Boots are replacing Books [Also compare the
British Rule with the Pakistani Military Rule (including the Pakistani Civilian Rule)]:
ISLAMABAD: Cycles of military dictatorship have left behind their fair share of legacies – amendments to the Constitution, controversial changes to school curriculum, the list can go on. Some of these bequests have not only caused confusion, but also severely damaged national intellect and heritage.
Against
this backdrop, the demolishment of libraries and recreational areas established
during the British era at railway stations, more often than not to turn them
into police stations, is one such example.
According
to records, libraries have been shut down in the name of sanctity, sensitivity
and national interest, to give way to more thanas. Consequently, even during
Gen Pervez Musharraf’s ‘moderate’ military rule, countless precious books were
discarded.
Tracks
to Rawalpindi
The
railway station in Rawalpindi, a garrison city, was built in the 1880s by the
government of British India to facilitate trade.
According
to Mian Naveed, the welfare secretary at this station, it was during Gen Javed
Ashraf Qazi’s tenure that the library and the club (which even housed a bar)
were turned into a police station. Earlier, all kinds of facilities, including
indoor games, were provided inside but now everything in the possession of the
‘wardi walas’.
“Before
Partition, passengers and staff alike would have a wonderful leisure time,”
recounts Naveed. “Afterwards, libraries only existed at the divisional level.
Now, just one or two libraries exist across the country, and those too are in a
shambles.”
A
retired official recalls further details about the Qazi’s era.
“One
day, the minister for railways called us and ordered us to immediately throw
out all books in the club which was then called the Railway Institute,” he
remembers. “We had to throw all the sports accessories out too. The very next
day, there came an order to set up a police station there.”
Thousands
of important books were dumped in the verandas at railway stations. Countless
of them were stolen.
Mushtaq
Ahmed, an aged librarian at Rawalpindi station agrees.
“There
is no audit and no one wants to take care of our national assets,” he murmured
quietly.
“Interestingly, five rupees are still deducted from the salaries of
lower staff as ‘library fund’ every month.”
Volumes
wasted
Wizened
and retired, Ahmed holds preservation of libraries close to his heart. He has
managed to get a small room at the station. In that room, he attempts to preserve
some of the discarded books. He works as a volunteer librarian.
“Some
of the books thrown out of the library still remain with us. Many have been
stolen. There is no record of stolen books,” says Ahmed. “About 45,000 books
are still with us, some of them are extremely rare.”
The
librarian expects that one day there will be an order to shift this small
library elsewhere but when he does not know.
“The
library serves a purpose. Retired employees visit here when they come for
pension or other matters. Eight to ten people can easily sit here, and read
books and newspapers,” he states proudly.
“We
keep the library open twice a day, from 9am to 11am and, from 4:30pm to
6:30pm,” he said with a modest smile.
[The
Express Tribune, October 21st, 2013]
Did you invest in education, Ms. Maryam Nawaz Sharif?
The
Express Tribune of October 26, 2013 placed a tweet of Maryam Nawaz Sharif on top
of its front page. Here it is:
“Education
could be your wisest investment”
Maryam
Nawaz Sharif on Twitter
One
may ask: did your investment in education prove wise?
Or
what else proved wise?
Is
it because of your education that this newspaper highlights your tweet on its
front page?
Or
it is something else?
Such
as Riyasati Ashrafiya’s (State Aristocracy’s) clout? And, Pakistani Media’s
complicity with the Riyasati Ashrafiya?
Whatever
it is, it is not your education, Ms. Maryam Nawaz Sharif, that the media is
trying to make you another leader for the hapless citizens of Pakistan!
Monday, October 21, 2013
The Drone warriors
There
are tribal citizens who favor Drone attacks!
“.
. . interviews by The Economist with twenty residents of
the tribal areas confirmed that many see individual drone strikes as preferable
to the artillery barrages of the Pakistani military. They also insisted that
the drones do not kill many civilians—a view starkly at odds with mainstream
Pakistani opinion. “No one dares tell the real picture,” says an elder from
North Waziristan. “Drone attacks are killing the militants who are killing
innocent people.”
See
the following news report by The Economist:
A
surprising number of Pakistanis are in favour of drone strikes
NATIONAL
surveys find that Pakistanis are overwhelmingly opposed to CIA drone strikes
against suspected militants in the tribal badlands close to the Afghan border.
The strikes are seen by many as an abuse of sovereignty, a symbol of American
arrogance and the cause of civilian deaths. So when Sofia Khan, a school
administrator from Islamabad, travelled with hundreds of anti-drone campaigners
to a ramshackle town bordering the restive Federally Administered Tribal Areas
(FATA) last October she was stunned by what some tribesmen there had to say.
One
man from South Waziristan heatedly told her that he and his family approved of
the remote-controlled aircraft and wanted more of them patrolling the skies
above his home. Access to the tribal regions is very difficult for foreign
journalists; but several specialists and researchers on the region, who did not
want to be identified, say there is at least a sizeable minority in FATA who
share that view.
Surveys
are also notoriously difficult to carry out in FATA. A 2009 poll in three of
the tribal agencies found 52% of respondents believed drone strikes were
accurate and 60% said they weakened militant groups. Other surveys have found
much lower percentages in favour. But interviews by The Economist with
twenty residents of the tribal areas confirmed that many see individual drone
strikes as preferable to the artillery barrages of the Pakistani military. They
also insisted that the drones do not kill many civilians—a view starkly at odds
with mainstream Pakistani opinion. “No one dares tell the real picture,” says
an elder from North Waziristan. “Drone attacks are killing the militants who
are killing innocent people.”
American
claims about the accuracy of its drone attacks are hard to verify. The best
estimate is provided by monitoring organisations that track drone attacks
through media reports, an inexact method in a region where militants block
access to strike sites. However, the most thorough survey, by the Bureau of
Investigative Journalism, suggests a fall in civilian casualties, with most
news sources claiming no civilians killed this year despite 22 known strikes.
Though
there is ample evidence that the Pakistani government has given its secret
blessing to the CIA programme, it still allows anti-drone sentiment to blossom.
Domestic anger over drones can be a useful negotiating chip on other issues,
says one former American official. The government also fears reprisals from
militants.
Supporters
of the drones in Pakistan’s media are even more reluctant to speak frankly.
Many commentators admit to approving of drones in the absence of government
moves to clear terrorist sanctuaries. But they dare not say so in print.
In
2010 a group of politicians and NGOs published a “Peshawar Declaration” in
support of drones. Life soon became difficult for the signatories. “If anyone
speaks out they will be eliminated,” says Said Alam Mehsud, one of the
organisers, who was forced to leave Pakistan for a time.
As
for Ms Khan, she has had a partial rethink. “I still want the drones to end,”
she says. “But if my government wants to do something they should do it
themselves, without foreign help.”
Sunday, October 20, 2013
Zubaida Khanum - an icon of real Pakistan
The real Pakistan finds a mention only when it dies. It's trash all the way that glitters in Pakistani media!
See copied below some of the examples of this mention:
See copied below some of the examples of this mention:
LAHORE
- Renowned singer Zubaida Khanum passed away in Lahore on Saturday night. Her
funeral will be held at Westwood Colony Raiwind Road on Sunday (today).
Zubaida
Khanum was introduced in film Billo by Baba Chishti in 1951 and got breakthrough
from famous film Shehri Babu in 1953.
She
sung (sang) lot of super hit songs in films during her short but valuable stay
in the industry. Zubaida Khanum's Pinjabi songs are still very popular since
she is known as an evergreen singer, and would remain so.
Legend
Zubaida Khanum also sang popular naat 'Shah-e-Madina' decades ago.
Zubaida
excelled singing for Punjabi and Urdu films. Composers like Rashid Attre,
Safdar, Saleem Iqbal and Chishti were definitely in the forefront for giving
the best of Zubaida Khanum in films like Saat Lakh, Hameeda, Sarfrosh, Hatim,
Yakey Wali, Sheikh Chilli, Mukhra, Naji, Kartar Singh and even all-time box
office disaster Jatti where she sang the ultimate tragic song 'Meri Chunni
Diaan Reshmi', filmed on Musarrat Nazir and bringing many men and women to
tears.
[The
Nation, October 20, 2013]
LAHORE:
Zubaida Khanum, the much-loved voice behind naat ‘Shaah-e-Madina’ and hits like
the 1953 film ‘Shehri Babu’, passed away from prolonged illness in Lahore on
Saturday, news channels reported.
Back in the 1950s, Khanum was the top female singer in Pakistan for both Urdu and Punjabi.
She was first introduced in the film ‘Billoo’ in 1951, but it was her playback singing in ‘Shehri Babu’ in 1953 that took her to the heights of stardom in the Pakistani film industry. What followed were various hit songs including ‘Teri ulfat mein sanam dil nai buhut dard sahey’ and ‘Kaise kahoun mein alvida’ that defined not only her career but earned her a place in the hearts of Pakistani film and music aficionados.
The well-known naat ‘Shaah-e-Madinah’ was also originally rendered by Zubaida Khanum.
Besides singing for many popular and classic films like ‘Sarfarosh’, ‘Hameeda’, ‘Sath Lakh’ and ‘Baghi’, Khanum was cast as a second heroine in ‘Patay Khan’ with Zarif alongside Madam Noor Jehan, the lead heroine.
Zubaida’s parents had migrated from Amritsar and settled down in Lahore after partition. Unlike many singers, Khanum did not belong to any musical ‘gharana’ and singing was not part of her family norms. It was purely her passion and talent plus financial need, which made her enter films and then turned her big in the film industry.
Before Noor Jehan changed the concept of playback singing in the 60s, Zubaida Khanum ruled the Urdu/Punjabi playback singing from her Lahorian loftiness for a large part of the 50s.
Zubaida’s thrillingly adventurous vocals which sang of love and life without regrets, filled a vacuum in Pakistani playback singing when Nazir and Swaranlata signed Zubaida Khanum for ‘Shehri Babu’.
Although she could sing all type of songs with equal ease, it was her frothy and sensuous songs where she had no equal.
Meanwhile, Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif has expressed deep sense of grief and sorrow over the sad demise of Zubaida Khanum.
In a condolence message, the chief minister said that the late singer was an asset of Pakistan and in her death Pakistan has been deprived of a great artist.
He prayed that Allah Almighty may rest the departed soul in eternal peace and grant strength and courage to the members of the bereaved family to bear the irreparable loss with fortitude.
Back in the 1950s, Khanum was the top female singer in Pakistan for both Urdu and Punjabi.
She was first introduced in the film ‘Billoo’ in 1951, but it was her playback singing in ‘Shehri Babu’ in 1953 that took her to the heights of stardom in the Pakistani film industry. What followed were various hit songs including ‘Teri ulfat mein sanam dil nai buhut dard sahey’ and ‘Kaise kahoun mein alvida’ that defined not only her career but earned her a place in the hearts of Pakistani film and music aficionados.
The well-known naat ‘Shaah-e-Madinah’ was also originally rendered by Zubaida Khanum.
Besides singing for many popular and classic films like ‘Sarfarosh’, ‘Hameeda’, ‘Sath Lakh’ and ‘Baghi’, Khanum was cast as a second heroine in ‘Patay Khan’ with Zarif alongside Madam Noor Jehan, the lead heroine.
Zubaida’s parents had migrated from Amritsar and settled down in Lahore after partition. Unlike many singers, Khanum did not belong to any musical ‘gharana’ and singing was not part of her family norms. It was purely her passion and talent plus financial need, which made her enter films and then turned her big in the film industry.
Before Noor Jehan changed the concept of playback singing in the 60s, Zubaida Khanum ruled the Urdu/Punjabi playback singing from her Lahorian loftiness for a large part of the 50s.
Zubaida’s thrillingly adventurous vocals which sang of love and life without regrets, filled a vacuum in Pakistani playback singing when Nazir and Swaranlata signed Zubaida Khanum for ‘Shehri Babu’.
Although she could sing all type of songs with equal ease, it was her frothy and sensuous songs where she had no equal.
Meanwhile, Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif has expressed deep sense of grief and sorrow over the sad demise of Zubaida Khanum.
In a condolence message, the chief minister said that the late singer was an asset of Pakistan and in her death Pakistan has been deprived of a great artist.
He prayed that Allah Almighty may rest the departed soul in eternal peace and grant strength and courage to the members of the bereaved family to bear the irreparable loss with fortitude.
[Daily
Times, October 20, 2013]
LAHORE: Popular
playback singer of Punjabi and Urdu films Zubaida Khanum died of cardiac arrest
Saturday night. She was 78.
Zubaida
was born in Amritsar, East Punjab. Her family migrated to Pakistan after the
1947 partition and she stepped into the music industry in the early 50s to
fulfill her dreams. Her singing talent impressed famous musician Baba GA Chisti
who introduced her in film ‘Billo’ in 1951.
In
1953 actor Nazir and actress Suran Lata signed Zubaida for the film ‘Sheri
Baboo’. Rashid Itray was the music director for the film and he used Zubaida’s
talent for playback singing in many films. Most of her songs were picturised on
Musarrat Nazir and Sabiha Khanum.
While
she was very popular playback singer, she also tried her luck at acting in the
film ‘Patay Khan’.
Her popular songs include asan jan ke meech lai akh way;
aaey mausam rangeelay suhanay and tere dar te aake sajna way. She also recited
a naat Shah-e-Madina.
She
married cameraman Riaz Bukhari when she was at the zenith of her career. She
ended her singing career due to family engagements.
Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif expressed his condolences at the demise of Khanum. She
was a great singer and her songs are a national asset, he said. Showbiz
celebrities, including Mustafa Qureshi, Shahida Munni, Syed Noor, Ghulam Abbas,
Qavi Khan, Perwaiz Kalim, Suhail Iftikha(r) Khan and Asif Javed, described her
death a great loss to the showbiz industry.
Her
funeral will be held in Miami (Miani) Sahab graveyard of Lahore at 10 am on
Sunday (today).
[The
Express Tribune, October 20, 2013]
LAHORE:
Renowned Pakistani singer Zubaida Khanum passed away on late Saturday night,
Geo News reported.
She
was 50. Khanum, who has been staying with her sons, died after protracted
ailment in Lahore.
She
started her career in 1951 from a movie Billo and sang for numerous Punjab and
Urdu language films.
[The
News, October 19, 2013]
ISLAMABAD:
Renowned singer Zubaida Khanum passed away after a long illness in Lahore,
private television channels reported on Saturday night.
Zubaida
Khanum started her career with a song in 1951. She earned fame after singing a
number of rhythmic songs for Urdu and Punjabi films. She also played role in a
few Pakistani films. People belonging to all segments of society have expressed
profound grief and sorrow over sad demise of Zubaida Khanum.
Information
Minister Pervaiz Rashid Saturday expressed profound grief and sorrow over
demise of Zubaida Khanum. He stated that passing away of the great singer was a
loss to the nation. He said services of late Zubaida would always be remembered
in good words. He also conveyed his condolence to the members of the bereaved
family.
[The
News, October 20, 2013]
LAHORE:
Renowned playback singer and one of the best singers from Lollywood's golden
era Zubaida Khanum breathed her last on Saturday night after a fatal heart
attack.
The
78-year-old singer was suffering from prolonged heart ailments for a few years
and was living with her sons in West Wood Colony in Lahore.
He
condition turned worse on Saturday after which she was taken to a hospital near
her residence where doctors pronounced her dead.
At
the height of her career, Ms Khanum married renowned cameraman Riyaz Bokhari
and left playback singing for good. Her son Faisal Bokhari is also a known
cameraman. Coincidentally, Oct 19 was the death anniversary of her husband.
She
was born in 1935 in Amritsar. Her family migrated to Lahore after partition.
She did not belong to any traditional music ‘gharana’. Singing was her own
passion with an additional factor of financial constraints she was facing.
Khanum
began her career as a playback singer in Lollywood in 1951 from the film Billo
and was recognised early on for her melodious voice.
She
also worked as an actress on a number of films in the 50s but stopped
performing after settling down. However, she continued her singing career.
One
of her most remembered song 'Assan jaan ke meet liye ankh wey' from the movie
Heer continues to charm Punjabi music lovers.
Yet
another famous song of her's was 'Dilla ther ja yaar da nazaraa lein de' which
was picturised on Musarat Nazir.
In
a condolence message sent to the deceased singer's family, Prime Minister Mian
Nawaz Sharif expressed regret at Khanum's demise and called her a national
asset.
President
Mamnoon Hussain in his condolence message recalled her services for performing
arts in the country and said that they were unforgettable.
Meanwhile,
MQM chief Altaf Hussain also sent a condolence message to Khanum's family. He
said that Pakistan has lost a talented artist.
Her
funeral prayers will be held on Sunday morning at 10am on Raiwind Road in
Lahore.
[Dawn,
October 20, 2013]
Saturday, October 19, 2013
Friday, October 18, 2013
All’s not praise for General Kayani
Nadir
Hassan stands apart from the courtiers in weighing up the achievements of
General Kayani, ‘the political animal.’ See this article by him which The News
carried on October 10, 2013.
By Nadir
Hassan
The
bar for a successful chief of army staff is very low in Pakistan. So long as
you don’t show so much disdain for democracy that you do away with it
altogether you have done better than most. This is why, in the six weeks left
before he retires, there will be many odes to General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, the
man who could have grabbed absolute power but chose not to.
Ignore this hagiography. Kayani is without a doubt a very shrewd and calculating man but his net benefit to the country is in the red.
The first stint seemed to go so well. After the Musharraf nightmare, Kayani seemed like a new breed. He had no interest in wielding power; just in carrying out the instructions of the elected government. When the civilians unadvisedly pursued the Nizam-e-Adl agreement with the Swat Taliban he stood by quietly. After they decided that it was just a ploy to forestall armed intervention, Kayani took the army into Swat and scored a decisive victory. Sure, he ended up getting the credit for action ordered by the PPP but that didn’t make the achievement any less impressive.
But then came the end of 2010 and retirement beckoned. Suddenly everyone, primarily the US, thought Kayani was indispensable. That, needless to say, was a mistake. If the military truly is the only institution that works in the country (it isn’t, but let’s play along for the sake of argument) then it should never be dependent on one individual.
The extension Kayani was given not only ended up hurting his carefully-crafted image but, more importantly, did a lot of damage to the country. That image was one that Kayani cultivated perfectly to the point where every profile in western publications had to point out that this man’s man rolled his own cigarettes but was less interested in exploring his ideology. It is only after the extension was secured that we truly got to know Kayani the political animal.
It is no coincidence that what Kayani is best remembered for now are the controversies. He is the one who, as a supposedly pro-US COAS, whipped up fervour against the Kerry-Lugar Bill. No one cares about the terms of that package now; we just enjoy its benefits. But at the time the army made it seem like our sovereignty was being obliterated.
The original military disapproval of the aid package was transferred, almost as if by osmosis, to reliable anti-American allies like the religious parties. Soon protests were being held around the country. Kayani didn’t end up winning but the military got its point across.
Kayani was similarly inflexible after the Salala attack, to the point where he ensured that Nato supplies across the country were stopped. And yet soon after we saw a sudden U-Turn and the army started cooperating with the Americans on matters small and large. This was the key to Kayani’s supposed indispensability. He could play along with anything long as it suited him at the time.
Of course, he never could have performed this circus trick had the PPP government not been so cowardly that it decided it was better to see out its term rather than ever challenge military hegemony over the country. This was the government, even when Kayani was fresh in power, so fearful of the men in uniform that, back in 2008, it took back its notification that the ISI should be placed under the interior ministry within two days of army protests. It also took only a day to withdraw its order to send the ISI chief to India after the Mumbai attacks.
No surprise, then, that in his three-year second term Kayani was able to get so much “done.” In the Memogate scandal, true that Hussain Haqqani scored an entirely avoidable own goal in his foolish interactions with Mansoor Ijaz and then compounded the error by being so shifty about his actions, but the way Kayani’s army swept into action so speedily and took advantage was truly a sight to behold. And they got his scalp.
Make no mistake about it, the Pakistan Army under Kayani was entirely his army. Having alienated many senior officers who had to forgo promotions after he secured his extension, Kayani moulded the military in his image. He was perfectly content being the silent powerbroker while men like the ISI’s Pasha took the flack but all orders flowed from him. The decision to not take any action against the Haqqani Network, all Kayani. Start releasing Afghan Taliban prisoners to satiate the Americans, again Kayani.
So preeminent was Kayani in the minds of Pakistanis that it seemed almost predestined that he would stick around in some capacity or the other. That he chose retirement is to his credit, but it isn’t nearly enough to undo the damage he did by spending another three years as the COAS.
He should also, had he truly cared about civilian supremacy, have allowed the Nawaz government to make the announcement about his departure. That he chose the ISPR as the vehicle for his retirement shows that even to the bitter end Kayani wanted to show that he was the master of his destiny. Pakistan, if it is lucky, will have a successor to him who isn’t quite as convinced of his infallibility. But our experience with men in uniform makes that extremely unlikely.
[The writer is a journalist based in Karachi.]
Ignore this hagiography. Kayani is without a doubt a very shrewd and calculating man but his net benefit to the country is in the red.
The first stint seemed to go so well. After the Musharraf nightmare, Kayani seemed like a new breed. He had no interest in wielding power; just in carrying out the instructions of the elected government. When the civilians unadvisedly pursued the Nizam-e-Adl agreement with the Swat Taliban he stood by quietly. After they decided that it was just a ploy to forestall armed intervention, Kayani took the army into Swat and scored a decisive victory. Sure, he ended up getting the credit for action ordered by the PPP but that didn’t make the achievement any less impressive.
But then came the end of 2010 and retirement beckoned. Suddenly everyone, primarily the US, thought Kayani was indispensable. That, needless to say, was a mistake. If the military truly is the only institution that works in the country (it isn’t, but let’s play along for the sake of argument) then it should never be dependent on one individual.
The extension Kayani was given not only ended up hurting his carefully-crafted image but, more importantly, did a lot of damage to the country. That image was one that Kayani cultivated perfectly to the point where every profile in western publications had to point out that this man’s man rolled his own cigarettes but was less interested in exploring his ideology. It is only after the extension was secured that we truly got to know Kayani the political animal.
It is no coincidence that what Kayani is best remembered for now are the controversies. He is the one who, as a supposedly pro-US COAS, whipped up fervour against the Kerry-Lugar Bill. No one cares about the terms of that package now; we just enjoy its benefits. But at the time the army made it seem like our sovereignty was being obliterated.
The original military disapproval of the aid package was transferred, almost as if by osmosis, to reliable anti-American allies like the religious parties. Soon protests were being held around the country. Kayani didn’t end up winning but the military got its point across.
Kayani was similarly inflexible after the Salala attack, to the point where he ensured that Nato supplies across the country were stopped. And yet soon after we saw a sudden U-Turn and the army started cooperating with the Americans on matters small and large. This was the key to Kayani’s supposed indispensability. He could play along with anything long as it suited him at the time.
Of course, he never could have performed this circus trick had the PPP government not been so cowardly that it decided it was better to see out its term rather than ever challenge military hegemony over the country. This was the government, even when Kayani was fresh in power, so fearful of the men in uniform that, back in 2008, it took back its notification that the ISI should be placed under the interior ministry within two days of army protests. It also took only a day to withdraw its order to send the ISI chief to India after the Mumbai attacks.
No surprise, then, that in his three-year second term Kayani was able to get so much “done.” In the Memogate scandal, true that Hussain Haqqani scored an entirely avoidable own goal in his foolish interactions with Mansoor Ijaz and then compounded the error by being so shifty about his actions, but the way Kayani’s army swept into action so speedily and took advantage was truly a sight to behold. And they got his scalp.
Make no mistake about it, the Pakistan Army under Kayani was entirely his army. Having alienated many senior officers who had to forgo promotions after he secured his extension, Kayani moulded the military in his image. He was perfectly content being the silent powerbroker while men like the ISI’s Pasha took the flack but all orders flowed from him. The decision to not take any action against the Haqqani Network, all Kayani. Start releasing Afghan Taliban prisoners to satiate the Americans, again Kayani.
So preeminent was Kayani in the minds of Pakistanis that it seemed almost predestined that he would stick around in some capacity or the other. That he chose retirement is to his credit, but it isn’t nearly enough to undo the damage he did by spending another three years as the COAS.
He should also, had he truly cared about civilian supremacy, have allowed the Nawaz government to make the announcement about his departure. That he chose the ISPR as the vehicle for his retirement shows that even to the bitter end Kayani wanted to show that he was the master of his destiny. Pakistan, if it is lucky, will have a successor to him who isn’t quite as convinced of his infallibility. But our experience with men in uniform makes that extremely unlikely.
[The writer is a journalist based in Karachi.]
Note: Reproducing this article in my Blog does not amount to my agreeing with the authors' point of view.
Wednesday, October 16, 2013
Friday, October 11, 2013
In violent Pakistan, violent birth of an island
Here
is the story of an island’s violent birth in an earthquake:
By
Henry Fountain
A
small island that appeared in the Arabian Sea off Pakistan after an
earthquake last week most likely formed when the shaking released methane gas
and water trapped in undersea sediments. The gas and water forced part of the
seabed to the surface, experts said.
[The New York Times]
“It
looked as if a section of shallow seafloor had simply been pushed up,” said
Game McGinsey, a volcanologist with the United States Geological Survey.
Photographs of the island, which measures roughly 100 feet by 250 feet and
rises about 60 feet above the water, showed a rough-textured surface suggesting
that the seafloor had risen and cracked, he said.
Dr.
McGinsey said the way the island was created was similar in some ways to that
of a so-called mud volcano, in which gas and water force mud up through vents
to the surface. In those cases, the flow of mud normally continues for some
time, similar to the way lava flows from a conventional volcano.
There
are some long-lived mud volcanoes in the region, Dr. McGinsey said, but this
one appeared to be a one-time event, with no sign of continuous flow. “It’s not
a mud volcano in the classic sense,” he said.
The
magnitude 7.7 quake struck Tuesday, killing more than 500 people and flattening
homes in the southwestern province of Baluchistan. It was followed by a
6.8-magnitude aftershock on Saturday that killed at least 15 more people.
The
initial quake was centered about 40 miles north of the city of Awaran and about
250 miles from the port town of Gwadar, where the new island appeared in
shallow waters about a half-hour later. Townspeople and scientists who visited
the island told news agencies that it was muddy and rocky and was emitting
flammable gas. Methane, the main component of natural gas, is highly flammable.
The
quake occurred in the Makran subduction zone, a vast and complex tectonic
feature stretching from Pakistan to Iran where three plates, the Indian,
Arabian and Eurasian, meet. As the Arabian plate slides under the Eurasian,
sediments containing water and methane are compressed, said Michael Steckler, a
geophysicist with the Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory, a part of Columbia
University.
“In subduction zones you get a lot of
overpressure,” Dr. Steckler said. Even a relatively far-off earthquake can
produce enough shaking to fracture the sediments and release the gas and water,
he said.
The
methane is created through the action of bacteria on organic matter, and would
have been trapped in the sediments as free molecules of gas. The Arabian Sea is
also home to large quantities of methane hydrates, icy cagelike structures of
water molecules with methane molecules inside, and immediately after the island
formed there was speculation that hydrates, not free methane, had been
released.
But
hydrates form only under high pressure and low temperatures, and Carolyn
Ruppel, director of the survey’s hydrate research program, said water in the
area was too shallow, and temperatures in sediments far too high, for hydrates
to exist.
Similar
islands formed in the Arabian Sea after an 8.1-magnitude earthquake in 1945. (A
recent study by scientists in Germany showed that that quake set off the
release of free methane from sediments, releases that continue today.) Islands
also formed after quakes in 1999 and 2010.
Such
islands eventually disappear, eroded by the action of tides and waves. Dr.
Steckler said that the one that formed in 1999, for instance, was gone in a few
months, a victim of monsoon surges.
“This one’s coming up after the monsoon,”
he said, “so we’ll see how long it lasts.”
[A version of this article appeared in print on October 1, 2013, on page D3 of the New York edition with the headline: A Quake Shakes Loose an Island.]
[A version of this article appeared in print on October 1, 2013, on page D3 of the New York edition with the headline: A Quake Shakes Loose an Island.]
Thursday, October 10, 2013
But, who is the accomplice, and the culprit?
Isn’t the accomplice, and the culprit the federal government, which gave
consent for this scheme? Isn’t it the ruling party, i.e. Pakistan Muslim League
(N)? Aren’t they the politicians of Pakistan, who allow such usurpatory
schemes?
So, who is the main culprit? The answer
is: the politicians of Pakistan.
ISLAMABAD, Sept 14: General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, who is retiring in
November after completing his six-year tenure as Chief of Army Staff, approved
a few months ago a scheme for allotting agriculture land to serving and retired
army officers.
After the approval, the Welfare and Rehabilitation (W&R) Directorate
of the General Headquarters circulated on July 31 details of the scheme to all
the regiments, corps centers, station headquarters, ministry of defence and
other relevant quarters.
According to a former officer, retired Colonel Mohammad Sajjad such
schemes are announced after certain periods of time and army officers can get
farmhouse land at nominal rates. If the market value of a property is Rs10
million, under the scheme one can get it in less than Rs1m.
Such schemes are introduced by the army authorities with the consent of
the federal government, he said.
July 15, 2013, was fixed as the date for launching the scheme.
For General Officers “form will be dispatched, handed over to eligible
General Officers by Director Work and Rehabilitation (DWR) directly”.
The officers of the level of Brigadiers and below “will apply through
respective units / Formation Headquarters. Formation Headquarters will forward
these applications to W&R Directorate, GHQ.”
The retired officers and widows of the deceased officers have been asked
to “send their application form directly to W&R Directorate through Urgent
Mail Service (UMS) or by dropping at the entry gate of the GHQ”.
Under the scheme, the eligible serving officers should have completed
minimum 21 years of service in the army.
The officers who have been compulsorily retired on disciplinary grounds
or have already obtained an agriculture land, stud farm land, a GHQ plot
allotted by the Quarter Master General / Adjutant General, including Capital
Development Authority (other than service benefit, less Brigadier), are not
entitled to apply.
The officers whose retirement period exceeds 10 years are also not
entitled to apply for allotments under this scheme.
Comments (3)
Khan
September 15, 2013 9:29 am
Scripts from Justice Hamood ur Rehman commission report after fall of
Dhaka, its self explanatory "The report accused the generals of what it
called a premature surrender and said the military's continued involvement in
running the government after 1958 was one reason for the corruption and
ineffectiveness of senior officers. 'Even responsible service officers,' the
report said, 'have asserted before us that because of corruption resulting from
such involvement, the lust for wine and women and greed for lands and houses, a
large number of senior army officers, particularly those occupying the highest
positions, had lost not only their will to fight but also their professional
competence."
Ahmer
September 16, 2013 7:13 am
Why is the scheme limited only to officers? Do they sacrifice more that
the jawans?
Akram
September 16, 2013 4:30 pm
Khan saab is completely correct, The excessive distribution of wealth in
the army ended up attracting the wrong sort of people in the army. People who
were paid by the awam to fight and die for defense of the nation were not
interested in either fighting or dying when war came. Rather they were
interested in amassing wealth and looting. We must learn from the past or we
will be doomed to repeat it.
Furthermore do senior officers need more such perks? don't they already
have enough relative the awam? If anyone should get this land its the landless
and those who have nothing. The average Jawan in the army is probably more
deserving.
[Dawn, September 15, 2013]
But who is she!
See
how one member of an elite family is being showered with praises for her real
degree and distinction in the LL.B. examination by a senior journalist! Though
his story tells about her family, but her belonging to an elite family is not
highlighted.
Also,
the journalist writes: “Ayesha was elected member of the National Assembly on
the reserved women’s seat on the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) ticket
along with others after the May general elections.” It may be mentioned here
that no elections are held for the reserved seats, only nominations are made.
Poor
Pakistani media!
By Tariq
Butt
ISLAMABAD:
While lawmakers dubiously take pride in possessing fake degrees, getting or
giving out of the way favours to their cronies and exploiting their positions,
a female novice among them has earned a rare distinction that is reserved only
for exceptional people.
Ayesha
Raza Farooq stands out for her academic brilliance as she topped the final
examination of the Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.), announced a few weeks back by the
Punjab University.Not only this, she had also captured the first positions in
the examinations for the first and second years of the professional
qualification. The LL.B. degree requires three years study and an equal number
of annual examinations.
Ayesha
was elected member of the National Assembly on the reserved women’s seat on the
Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) ticket along with others after the May
general elections.
Currently,
she is abroad as part of a parliamentary delegation, led by National Assembly
Speaker Sardar Ayaz Sadiq, to attend a conference of the Inter-Parliamentary
Union.Ayesha is the widow of Raza Farooq, who suddenly died at a relatively
young age a few years back due to cardiac arrest. He had served as the Advocate
General of Punjab.
Raza
Farooq was the son of former Attorney General Chaudhry Mohammad Farooq, who was
brother of Justice (retd) Khalilur Rehman Ramday, and Chaudhry Asadur Rehman,
who was elected as MNA on the PML-N ticket from his native Toba Tek Singh in
the last general polls.
As
luck would have it, Ayesha’s late husband was also the gold medallist of the
LL.B. examination held way back in 1992, according to Justice Ramday.The lady did
her MBA from the Lahore University of Management (LUMS). She had been teaching
at the Lahore School of Economics.
After
her spouse died, Justice Ramday’s son, Mustafa, who is now Advocate General of
Punjab, suggested to her to do the LL.B. She agreed and started attending
evening classes, and excelled. Her father had served in the income tax
department while her mother was a professor at the Fatima Jinnah Medical
College Lahore.
Her
family sources said that when she was preparing for the final law examination
and appearing in it, she was also busy in meeting the mandatory requirements
like filing of nomination papers etc., to indirectly contest the special seat.
Later, she had also to rush to Islamabad again and again for the elections of
the speaker and the prime minister.
It
may be the first time that a sitting lawmaker consecutively topped a
professional examination. On the other hand, there have been many instances to
show that several legislators, government servants and lawyers got bogus degrees
through fraudulent means. Cases of a large number of present and former
lawmakers are still pending in courts in connection with their fake educational
certificates.
At
the same time, there are also examples to cite where a legislator used unfair
means in educational examinations. In addition, different lawmakers have been
found trying to overawe others unlawfully. Ayesha’s academic career especially
her position in the LL.B. examinations is certainly a clear departure from the
humdrum routine.
[The News,
October 10, 2013]
Sunday, October 6, 2013
Riyasati Ashrafiya's "Insider trading"
Some
of the issues are not political. Maybe one party which is in power toady will
be in opposition tomorrow. So better be considerate regarding one's political
trading! Also, they are all brothers in arms after all!
See
this news item regarding such an act of the Riyasati Ashrafiya's (State
Aristocracy's) "insider trading":
ISLAMABAD:
Deafening political rancour apart, Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif has
approved “compulsory” acquisition of a huge piece of land,
1,000 acres (8,000 kanals), for the Namal College Mianwali of Pakistan
Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Chairman Imran Khan at a throwaway price but
several key PML-N figures are loudly protesting the decision.
Top
officials of the Punjab government and Namal Education Foundation (NEF), which
runs the facility, confirmed to The News that the chief minister has sanctioned
acquisition of 1,000 acres of land from local landowners under the 1894 Act,
which provides for enforced procurement by the government.
The
NEF has paid an astonishingly low price of Rs1,500 per kanal, meaning a total
of Rs15 million including the essential acquisition charges for the entire
piece of 1,000 acres. Way back in 2009, the Shahbaz Sharif government imposed a
complete ban on compulsory land acquisition for societies, trusts, private
companies etc, on the ground that some land grabbers were exploiting this
permission.
An
official said that as a special dispensation for Namal College the ban was
relaxed by the chief minister as Imran Khan, at least twice, recently requested
his personal intervention in the matter.
“Thus,
Shahbaz Sharif and Imran Khan teamed up for the Namal College.” When contacted, a Punjab government spokesman said “for the chief
minister furtherance of education is a noble purpose and has to be bipartisan.
Hence, he ordered the provision of land for the Namal College, sponsored
by the PTI chairman. Development and welfare has to be above politics in the
same spirit as Nawaz Sharif had provided prime land for the Shaukat Khanum
Cancer Hospital Lahore when he was the chief minister of Punjab two decades
ago.”
The
NEF Director of Marketing Abid Hussain told this correspondent that the Namal
College submitted the request to the Punjab government for land acquisition in
2008 and it was pending since then. He said the price of Rs1,500 per kanal was
not very low because the land comprised hills and uneven tracts.
He
said all the legal formalities have been completed and the district price
assessment committee Mianwali fixed its cost that the Namal College has paid. Some
PTI leaders contacted by The News for comments refused to speak on the subject
saying that the Namal College has nothing to do with their party.
The
PTI chairman has been criticising the Punjab government for non-cooperation in
this aspect. However, the chief minister got the land acquired at a break neck
speed within a matter of days and got it transferred in name of Namal College.
The
downside is that Shahbaz Sharif has attracted intense criticism of landowners
and PML-N rank and file of Mianwali. They have conveyed their anger to the
chief minister. Obaidullah Shadikhel, who was elected in the recent by-polls
from NA-71 Mianwali, the seat vacated by Imran Khan, and former MPs Humair
Rokhari and Ali Noor Niazi scoffed at the Punjab government for its decision to
allocate a huge tract of land for the project.
They
dubbed it as a “land grab” and said
that the Atchison College Lahore is spread over 200 acres; Military College
Jhelum over 100 acres; Cadet College Hasan Abdal over 120 acres; Sadiq Public
School Bahawalpur over 150 acres; and LUMS (Lahore University of Management
Sciences) over 170 acres. They questioned the provision of such a colossal
piece of land to the Namal College and said this is the prime land due to its
proximity to the scenic Namal Lake on Talagang Mianwali Road.
However,
the criticism has not changed the chief minister’s mind. Since he refused to
review his decision, the critics have approached a court of Mianwali and got
stay order. They said the Punjab government has already given a 16-room hostel,
a complete academic bloc, and 12 official residences of a government college to
the Namal College.
A
landlord of the area, Malik Akhtar Awan, who is also a practicing lawyer, told
The News that the Namal College was presently functioning on 50 kanals while it
has an additional 350 kanals of piece that is sufficient for its expanded
activities. He said he was not associated with any political party, and claimed
that 1,000 acres of land acquired for the educational institution at highly
cheap rates has the actual price of billions of rupees.
Imran
Khan’s message on the NEF website reads “in 2002, on a social development tour
across Mianwali, I came across an appalling reality that haunts most of
Pakistan” high level of unemployment amongst the youth. I resolved to set up a
technical college so that the youth could become employable.
However, two
things made me change my mind and instead, I decided to build a world class
university. First was the beautiful location of the site (donated free of cost
by the villagers), which made me dream of a knowledge city like Oxford.
Secondly,
when I was offered the Chancellorship of the University of Bradford, I realised
that I had access to an enormous academic support to pursue this dream. I am
under no illusion that it is a huge challenge to set up a centre of excellence
in such a remote though beautiful location. It will require a huge amount of
funds to make it a university of international standard. I want to see over
half the students in the university coming from less privileged backgrounds
through scholarships, who in our present elitist education system cannot dream
of having access to high quality education. I once again look forward to your
help to shoulder the responsibility of educating our youth and paving the path
for their brighter futures.”
Namal
College is located in Rikhi in district Mianwali. It is very near to Namal
Lake. Imran Khan is poised to build the educational institution on the pattern
of the Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital Lahore.
[The News October 02, 2013 ]
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