This
February Alternate Solutions Institute released my first Urdu book, The Rise of
State Aristocracy in Pakistan (Pakistan Mein Riyasti Ashrafiya Ka Urooj). Here
is a brief statement of what the book tries to discuss and formulate:
-----
Last
year, Alternate Solutions Institute wanted to hold a series of seminars on the
theme: Ashrafiya Ka Naheen, Sab Ka Paksitan (Not For Ashrafiya, Pakistan
For Everyone).
So
I thought of writing a 2-3 page explanation of the slogan. But the paper kept
on expanding, and I let it, and tried to state the argument with as much detail
as I could. In that sense, it’s not a planned book, rather an argument.
Here
are some of the important points the book focuses on:
First,
the book tries to argue that rule of this or that class, such as rule of the
proletariat, puts one class in conflict with the other classes, and does not
resolve the problem. Also that it’s not
the issue who should rule; rather the issue is: how to rule. So, what is needed
are “just rules” (or say “just laws”) which favor none, and are based on
inalienable individual rights, and protect these rights. That may bring the
whole society to a harmonious state: where there exists no rule of person or
persons, or any class.
Second,
in addition to rules (laws), the book considers the emergence of the
institution of the state as a great step ahead in the progress of humankind,
and that the foremost purpose of the state is to protect the individuals’
person and property and his rights or freedoms. This it does by formulating
just rules and just laws, and by implementation them indiscriminately. Which is
not the case in Pakistan!
Third,
I have built my thesis of Riyasti Ashrafiya on the important work of Dr. Ishrat
Hussain. His book, Pakistan: the Economy of an Elitist State, first
published in 1999, analyzes the workings of Pakistan’s economy and comes out
with the thesis: “The capture of the institutions of the state and the market
by the elite is complete.” In his
subsequent articles, Dr. Ishrat has endorsed this thesis. But as far as his
solution or the “reform agenda” is concerned, the book suggests it is Ashrafi
(Aristocrtic, elitist), i.e. it does keep the Ashrafi capture of the state
intact.
Fourth,
that pre-modern Ashrafiya used to derive its power and authority from various
distinctions, such as racial superiority, divine sanction; while the Riyasti
Ashrafiya or State Aristocracy (or Pakistani Ashrafiya) derives its power and
authority from the State. Be it wealth or clout, privileges or subsidies, the
Ashrafiya through the State, appropriates everything for itself.
Fifth,
thus this book holds Pakistani Ashrafiya as the biggest obstacle in the way of
the supremacy of the constitution and the rule of law in Pakistan; and also a
hurdle in the creation of wealth in Pakistan since it favors special interests.
The book demonstrates that the Pakistani Ashrafiya lives via its capture of the
state, state institutions, and the resources of the state. The heart of the
Pakistani Ashrafiya, i.e. Politicians, the Establishment, and the Bureaucracy,
have made the constitution subservient to their interests; resources of the
state and the wealth created by the citizens of Pakistan their relish; whereas
security of fundamental rights, i.e. security of person and property and rights
to the ordinary citizens is almost an impossibility. What comes to the lot of
the ordinary citizens is endless sufferings at the doors of government offices,
the courts, and the polling stations.
Sixth, the book also takes notice of the
existence of Two Pakistans, a necessary consequence of Ashrafi capture of the
state and its resources. In most of the big cities, in terms of social
services, such as potable water, sanitation, public transport, paved roads,
street lights, library, parks, playing grounds, two cities may be seen
existing: one with no services at all, or with very low standard of services;
and one with good quality services. The
book makes a case for an amendment in the constitution so that these social
services with a standard of quality may be guaranteed to all the citizens
wherever they live in Pakistan. That does not amount to burdening the public
sector, but essentially bringing in the private sector to produce these
services with government playing the supervisory and regulatory role.
Seventh,
the book puts the blame for this formation of the Riyasti Ashrafiya, and then
capture of the state and market by this Ashrafiya, on the shoulders of the
politicians and political parties. I have written in detail about this crime of
the politicians and the political parties in my Urdu blog as well, and in my
forthcoming book, Siyasi Partian Ya Siyasi Bandobast: Pakistani Siyasat Ke
Pech-o-Kham Ka Falsafiyana Muhakma (Political Parties or Political
Arrangements: A Philosophical Analysis of Politics in Pakistan). But nobody
seems to buy the point. The dominant view incriminates the Pakistan Army for
all the ills facing Pakistani citizens.
The
book dwells on its explanation also: it is politicians and political parties
which make constitution and make amendments in the constitution; it is they who
contest elections, and come to rule and make economic policies. In short, it is
they who are constitutionally responsible to rule. Not the Army. If they submit
their political and constitutional will to the Army, it is their fault. When
they are pressured, for instance, by the Army, they never resign and come back
to the citizens, who empower them to rule. The day they realize the source of
their power are the citizens of Pakistan, they will be empowered.
Eighth,
the book also shows a way to transform the Ashrafi Pakistan into Everyone's
Pakistan by ensuring personal freedom and along with it economic freedom to all
the citizens without any discrimination. It invites all the classes and
groupings of Pakistan to the cause of rule of the constitution and the law; and
exhorts them to stay on a singular achievement of human civilization, i.e. law.
Finally,
the author thinks that humanity is entering a new Age of Rules, superseding the
Age of Ideologies, and the present book derives its inspiration from the same
enlightenment.
-----
Till
now, 4 reviews of the book have appeared in various newspapers and magazines,
and 2 launches of the book have been held, in Lahore and Islamabad. The
Islamabad launch was organized by the Sustainable Policy Development Institute
(www.sdpi.org), and it helped promote the
book a lot.
In
due course, I will share what was said about the book at the 2 launching
ceremonies, and of course will try to clarify my position regarding the
objections raised there.
Below
are given some of the links where reviews and videos of the book launches may
be seen.
Book
reviews:
Business
Recorder March 3, 2012
Roznama
Express July 31, 2012
Roznama
Mashriq Peshawar August 13, 2012
Haft
Roza Hum Shehri August 10-16, 2012
Videos:
Coverage
in the Press:
Business
Recorder June 8, 2012
The
Nation June 9, 2012
Pakistan
Observer June 9, 2012
SDPI
Press Release July 16, 2012
Pakistan
Observer July 17, 2012
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