The
recipe for growth is well-known. Most economists would agree that lower taxes
and less regulation can encourage entrepreneurship and job creation. Yet, many
governments are unwilling to introduce such reforms. An important reason is
concern over a voter backlash. Jean-Claude Juncker, a likely candidate for the
EU-presidency after two decades as Luxemburg’s Prime Minister, famously
lamented “We all know what to do, we just don’t know how to get re-elected
after we’ve done it.” Based on an analysis of 109 governments in developed
countries, we would suggest that Juncker’s view is mistakenly gloomy. Although
market-oriented reforms may initially meet fierce resistance, governments that
introduce them are more often than not rewarded by voters.
In
our new book “Renaissance for Reforms” we look at the pace and direction of reforms
in 29 OECD governments between the mid-1990s and the end of 2012. We base our
analysis on the Heritage and Wall Street Journal Index of Economic Freedom,
which annually ranks nations according to parameters such as freedom from
corruption, freedom for investments and respect for property rights. We
ask two simple questions: How did the level of economic freedom in these
countries actually change according to the Index of Economic Freedom? And were
the governments that reformed more often re-elected or not?
After
controlling for the levels of unemployment during the year of election and the
year of possible re-election, we examine if these factors are related. In
contrast to Juncker’s views, we find that the government that increased
economic freedom most were also most likely to become re-elected. Perhaps even
more surprising is that this trend is driven by governments on the left.
Center-right
governments that were re-elected increased economic freedom only marginally
more on average compared to center-right parties that lost re-election. Governing
parties on the left, which lost their bid for re-election, constitute the least
reform-oriented group. Left governments that won however increased economic
freedom at a 60 percent higher pace than the average center-right governments.
For
example, during Tony Blair’s first term from 1997 to 2001 the economic freedom
score in the UK increased by 1.2 points. True to Tony Blair’s reputation as a
champion of New Labour’s moderate policies, the economic freedom score of the
country increased by 1.6 points during his second term. Based on this
track-record, Labour managed to win a third election, during which Blair handed
over power to his more left-leaning rival Gordon Brown. As the leadership
changed, so did the direction of reform. Between 2005 and 2010 the United
Kingdom’s economic freedom fell by 2.7 points. The next election was won by the
conservatives.
A
commonly held view is that parties on the right introduce market reforms in
order to boost growth, whilst those on the left mainly reduce economic freedom
and aim to spread the wealth through welfare systems. In fact, countries that
have successfully increased their levels of competitiveness have seen both
sides of politics pulling in the same direction. Bob Hawke, former leader of
the Australian Labor Party led his party to four consecutive victories in 1983,
1984, 1987 and 1990 based on wide ranking economic liberalizations. Paul
Keating, the reformist treasurer under Hawke, took over party leadership and
won a fifth victory in 1993, in an election initially thought to be unwinnable
for Labor. Since then both conservative and left governments in Australia have
continued on the path of market reform. The end result is more than two decades
of consecutive growth.
Similarly,
Canada was in very bad shape when Paul Martin, minister of finance in the newly
elected left-liberal government, took office in 1993. The government made the
difficult choice of market reforms, focusing on reduced spending through action
such as abolishing transport subsidies for farmers as well as market
liberalizations and lower taxation. Many interest groups objected to the
changes. And yet, the Canadian Liberal party won a second term in 1997. The
party campaigned on the promise to continue to cut the federal deficit, thereby
creating a budget surplus which would allow tax cuts as well as repayment of
Canada’s national debt. After another term of reformist policies, the liberals
managed to win the elections again in 2000. In 2003 Paul Martin took over the
reins and won yet another re-election. Conservative governments have since
built upon the same policies, transforming Canada into North America’s new free
market role model.
Why
is it that governments on the left in particular can be rewarded by introducing
market reforms? One explanation might be that this attracts centrist or even
right-wing voters to the left. Another is that leftist government can couple
market reforms with social features. A research survey by the OECD observes
that when markets are opened up, competition often leads to higher employment. This tends to increase income equality, since those who would otherwise not
work, or work only part-time, will raise their income. The same reforms can
also help those with high productivity to raise their income compared to
others, which instead will lead to higher income inequality. Hence, market
liberalizations can lead to lower or higher equality, depending on which of
these two factors come to dominate. There are good reasons to combine market
oriented reforms with policies that strengthen the less well-off in society,
such as strengthening publicly funded school programs.
Today
many governments are wary of reforms. Change is seen as unwanted in the short
term, and politically difficult to implement. This can explain why some
governments in particularly Southern Europe are stuck on a path to failure. A
common view is that “Juncker’s curse” will doom governments that are bold
enough to change the status quo by cutting government handouts or liberalizing
the economy. Our analysis of recent history shows that this impression is
mistaken. Change is anything but easy to introduce, but can prove popular in
the long term by boosting growth and employment. Of course, policies must
always be adjusted to the particular needs of each individual country.
Pakistan
has historically relied much on trade and enterprise for its prosperity.
Currently however ranks as the 126th freest nation on the Index of
Economic Freedom. The countries score is both below that of the world average
and the regional average. In some areas, such as fiscal policy and government
spending, Pakistan already has good conditions for a well-functioning market
economy. Also business and monetary policies score high. The hinders to
development are mainly found in corruption and lack of protection for private
property. By strengthening market economic institutions greater wealth and job
opportunities can be created for the broad public, whilst funds are generated
for social programs. Such institutional changes will take time and political
will to introduce. But once in place, they can influence long term
competitiveness and prosperity.
Nima
Sanandaji, PhD at the Royal Institute of Technology and policy analyst.
Stefan
Fölster, Professor of economics at the Royal Institute of Technology, and
director of the Reform Institute.
The
authors have written the new book ”Renaissance for Reforms” which is
co-published by Timbro and the Institute of Economic Affairs.
Note: This was originally posted in March 2014.
Note: This was originally posted in March 2014.
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