Sense of direction

With JUI (F), MQM, and PML (Q) once again out to test their gamesmanship, and ANP, PML (N), the Army, and the political-religious parties outside waiting in the wings, it seems Pakistan is all set to brace for another bout of political crisis - leaving us the people bewildered what the hell is the direction they are all moving Pakistan into!

That there is no sense of direction in what is happening or cooking to happen is not far from the truth. An 18th Amendment, a 7th NFC Award, autonomous status for Gilgit-Baltistan, or the Reconciliation mantra appear like in-connectible jots on a maze of unattended urgencies.

This is an attempt to refresh memories of us all, especially the politicians and the Armymen, with the sense of direction reached in 1973.

A constitution is never a political document. It is not to be used, or manipulated politically. Nor is it for the politicians to amend or suspend at their will. At best, a constitution is a theory of conduct both for individuals and institutions. In this sense, it is a moral document. Taking it otherwise is fatal to the soul of a constitution.

Thus, if a constitution is used and manipulated for political purposes, its moral tenor is lost. Likewise, if a constitution is amended and suspended at will, it is reduced into a political statement. This is the case in Pakistan.

Historically, in the sub-continent Muslim and Hindu communities’ leaders could not agree on a theory of conduct to rule their people. That constitutional failure led to the making of Pakistan and India.

In Pakistan, again its leaders proved they lacked moral insight and could not reach a theory of conduct. Instead, they continued fighting for political interests. So much so that in 1971, the chronic fighting of individuals and institutions dashing all the hopes to reach an agreed theory of conduct to rule both the wings finally resulted in the formation of another country out of Pakistan.

The period from 1947 onward witnessed ‘constitutional’ anarchy let loose. After about fourth of a century and an unhappy separation of half the Pakistan, the rest of the country came to have a Constitution in 1973. In this case, it was always late to mend.

But, the ruling party that gave (West) Pakistan a Constitution is the very party that disfigured the same constitution most. The constitution that was adopted on April 12, 1973, from May 8, 1974 to January 4, 1977, underwent seven amendments, six by the same assembly and the seventh by the next short-lived assembly of the same party. Obviously, from the very start the constitution could not achieve the status of a moral document and a theory of conduct as well. The acts belied the intentions.

Then, there was the Army, an all powerful institution, which never subscribed to any theory of conduct whatsoever. They created a moral vacuum in the country. The greatest damage they caused to this nation is not through the suspension or partial/total abrogation of the constitution; it’s the destruction of moral and social values. They are the perfect immoralists.

After them, it was leaders of the political parties who used their parties as pressure groups to achieve their motives. They were the political agents of various Pakistani elites who were out-and-out immoralists. They used the constitution to further their political and elitist interests.

Another party to this crusade against the constitution was the judiciary. They were the thoroughgoing immoralists and champions of a new theory of misconduct. For them, under necessity everything could be validated. No theory of conduct or no moral code could stop them from fulfilling the demands of the immoralists. The moral document was immorally brutalized by its very custodians.

However, with the emergence of an independent judiciary, supremacy of the constitution, rule of law, and fundamental rights were dug up and started to be upheld. Not only the theory of conduct but the code of conduct also became a matter of everybody’s concern. Somehow, if that awakened a civil society from its “directionless” slumber, on the one hand, on the other it did resuscitate the moral conscience of the people also.

Many a coalition made and broke after the February 2008 elections. These or any other coalitions are not an end in-themselves. What matters is whether this practice strengthens the constitution or weakens it as a moral statement. If a coalition breaks down such as the recent one, quitting of the JUI (F) from the government, there is little for the constitution to gain. In fact, all such moves trash the constitution into political triviality.

Though, the rule of law movement set the constitution of Pakistan to emerge as a moral document embodying a theory of conduct for all individuals and institutions strictly to follow, but no political party or no state institution and especially the Army sees it as such. Old habits die hard!

In view of this sense of a direction, the conduct of political parties and the Army is going to decide the fate of the constitution as a moral document is a misreading. It is for them to realize that it is the constitution which is going to decide their fate in the long run. Willy-nilly they will have to revert to the constitution as a moral document to compass their sense of direction if they want to survive. Their politics should have to be subservient to the theory of conduct the constitution represents.

The last three decades, especially, of trampling the constitution by the civilian and military usurpers prove that politics without a theory of conduct and without a moral code is worse than robbery and murder, and more than what was condoned under the National Reconciliation Ordinance. Hence, in order to prove their worth, political parties and the Army must check with their political sense of direction. Otherwise, they are in a moral vacuum and may meet moral death!

Note: This article was completed in December 2010.

Bridging The Communication Gap With PPP!

With time, disconnect with the Pakistan Peoples Party is widening. The more one listens to news and reads newspapers, the more one is convinced of the distending communication gap between the PPP and non-PPP camps. It seems both of them are talking to themselves only. Watching talk shows on TV channels, where representatives from both camps talk face to face, is an experience these days as they appear to be an exercise in monologic dialogue, without communicating a bit!

No doubt, both camps are talking quite heavily meaningfully. When Khawaja Saad Rafique, or anyone from the Pakistan Muslim League (N), says the PP is using all its energies in defending the President Asif Ali Zaradri against his Swiss money laundering cases, when Fauzia Wahab or anyone from the PP says media is targeting President Zardari, and when Qamar Zaman Kaira says the PP is always a victim of anti-people forces, they all are talking meaningfully. In fact, they mean very seriously what they say. But they do not understand each other. Or the PP does not want or intend to understand the other party. There lies the disconnect, the communication gap!

Being in government, it is incumbent on the PP, and for that matter whoever it is, to heed meaningfully to every piece of criticism, blame or just any expression of hatred, whether it comes from the non-PP camp or from its own partners. That is better for its own health! However, the PP not taking any such thing in any serious manner amounts to its own failure, and implies its having been plagued with a psychological disorder of very serious nature. If it is so, it is fatal for a nation and its country, when a whole political party, and one with such a good following, and one wherein sanity has been pushed to its fringes (read Safdar Abbasi, Naheed Khan) comes to be such a patient who needs to be quarantined. The latest ‘internal’ evidence to this diagnosis is the PP’s own decision to boycott a media group, Jang Group and Geo.

In fact, a person may catch such a psychological disorder, for a political party comprising a good many number of people catching it is next to impossible; only if all the members of its leadership layers are diagnosed thus which is almost an unlikely phenomenon. A political party may have other diseases, as in the present case, PP is afflicted by populism which is characterized by utter denial of going by any norms and rules. That is why mostly it is under the PP governments that rules and laws are laid down to show its loyalty to the same. At the same time it is under the PP governments that norms, traditions, rules, laws, constitutional provisions are not adhered to. For it, the norm is to disregard, ridicule and trample them. Appointing Justice Deedar Hussain Shah (R) as Chairman NAB is the newest episode to this drama!

Thus, it may not be far from the truth that such a posture in fact is a strategy to take liberty and to act freely. The history of events that unfolded since February 2008 general elections proves that.

Never in the history of Pakistan was a political party’s government especially that of PP, welcomed with such enthusiasm by the opposition parties, and all other elements, as was the case this time with PP’s government. Recall the friendly and encouraging sentiment prevailing throughout the political environment both inside and outside the parliament. All the political parties, such as PML (N), Awani National Party, Pakistan Muslim League (Q), Muttahida Qaumi Movement, Jamiat-e-Ulama-e-Islam (F), which otherwise would make a robust opposition, were on the side of the PP. They all turned into coalition partners with PP to materialize the dream. The way Yusuf Raza Gilani was made Prime Minister and Asif Ali Zardari President no one would believe now. Both print and electronic media were writing and telecasting goodwill to the PP. Quite incredible, nowhere could be found slightest hint of difference and disagreement vis-à-vis PP.

There is more to it, all that was in perfect sincerity on the part of the non-PP camp, without any bad faith. Its sole reason undoubtedly was successful culmination of a mass movement under the leadership of lawyers against General Musharraf’s dictatorship, and in favor of an independent judiciary, constitutionalism, rule of law, and fundamental rights, at the end of which PP had come to form the government. On that high-tide, PP could have made miracles for the people of Pakistan. Alas, it ruined and lost all that golden moment!

It’s no place to narrate all those events that gradually exposed malicious intent of the PP leadership, and deliberate thwarting of the achievements of that mass movement. It fooled not only PML (N), and with it all the political forces inside and outside (Jamat-e-Islami, and Tehreek-e-Insaaf) the parliament but also all the ordinary people of Pakistan. Just like its founder, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the present PP leadership tried to cheat on all and sundry who came on its side, partnered with it, and supported it. The tenure of this PP government presents more than a graphic representation of treacherous callousness of the PP leadership!

The latest Nawabshah speech (October 11) of President Asif Ali Zardari, replete with the same old rhetoric, and the adoption of the same hazy and symbolic rhetoric by the Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani also, proves the same point that the disconnect or the communication gap is but a deliberate strategy to refuse to follow the norms, rules, laws, and constitutional provisions. Whatever its motives are, the PP leadership has taken refuge behind the populist parlance. In this vein, every piece of criticism of whatever nature is dumped under the carpet of conspiracy against the people of Pakistan, and their Party, i.e. the PPP.

As the patient, i.e. PP, by boycotting Jang and Geo Group, is shutting itself in a shell of its own making to achieve what it wants to achieve, the realistic way out is to follow the same course of action to get it out of the communication gap with others. Not only will this break its disconnect, but will bring the PP to come to communicate with others meaningfully in terms of norms, rules, laws, constitutional provisions, and adherence to them.

Thus in order to save the country and the nation from the dangerous consequences of the PP’s populist politics, it is necessary, like the last ditch effort made to revive a dying patient, to quarantine all the layers of the PP leadership. May it be suggested that all the private media and news outlets should not invite any representative of the PP for interview, talk show, etc, and they should not accept any such invitation from the PP camp also. Let them chirp on the PTV and Radio Pakistan alone, and lonely. Only the vital news coming from the government’s quarters should be printed and aired.

Though, no other option seems viable to make the PP leadership realize the significance of their deliberate disconnect or communication gap with others but to subject it strictly to rules, laws, and constitutional provisions operative in the country; however, as a test case a boycott in terms of PP’s presence on print and electronic media may be resorted to - in the hope of bringing it to communicate meaningfully with others, and thus be able finally to deliver!

Note: This article was completed in October 2010.

Legislating middleman’s ouster

The middleman tends to be eliminated . . . He can only be safely eliminated by natural processes. Sometimes he is of real use and helps production; sometimes he is not; but this cannot be decided by a blind strike, but only by allowing the forces of competition to act upon him.

[Hon. Auberon Herbert]

Every time Pakistan Muslim League (N) comes to govern in Punjab, it tries its hands at innovative approaches to solve some of the crucial problems facing ordinary citizens. But unfortunately all of them prove unproductive, consume resources wastefully, and leave the ‘attempted problem’ in a greater mess. An important case in point is the problem of public transport - requiring resolution since long. In this regard, every new innovation can be cited as evidence for its previous failure. It seems the Party is fond of focusing on public transport, and whenever it is in power, unsparingly goes for a newer innovation to solve it, and in the end when fails miserably, comes with another innovation. Ironically, the problem remains intact, rather gets complicated.

Other examples include Sasti Roti (cheaper loaf) Scheme, Danish Schools, and the latest innovation, the removal of the middleman from markets. Last month, it was reported in the newspapers that ‘the government is preparing a Punjab Agricultural Produce Marketing Act to ban middleman from fruit and vegetable markets and allow the purchasers and sellers to interact directly with one another.’ The official further disclosed government’s ‘comprehensive plan to establish modern markets in collaboration with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).’

The details of the plan envisage: that ‘sellers and purchasers would be registered in their respective markets. Market committees would be authorized to charge a registration fee from them. Special Agricultural Marketing Boards would be formulated to control and regulate the affairs of the market. Market Committee’s fee ratio, which currently stands at 0.1 per cent, would be doubled, and the administrators of these committees would be elected by the stakeholders.’

This new innovation derives its inspiration from the age-old prejudice against the middleman. The prejudice declares middleman as an un-necessary link in the production-consumption chain. The product should come from the producer directly to the consumer, it fancies. Anyone putting himself anywhere between the producer and the consumer factually increases the cost and thence price of the product also. The innovative legislation meant to oust the middleman from the fruit and vegetable markets tries to do the same: bringing down the price of fruits and vegetables.

Let’s raise some pertinent questions to analyze the ‘scheme’ aiming at reducing the prices of fruits and vegetables. Does this venture (rather adventure! Wasn’t Sasti Roti an adventure?) require USAID to jump in with its Dollars? Yeah, but really it might have provided the cue to this project! Here is a pack of dollars, do you have a project to claim it, seems to be the motivation behind this venture. Assume it’s not the case. Assume the proposed legislation sincerely aims at price reduction. But has this legislation given thought to other ways of reducing prices? Has it done a cost-benefit analysis of the whole scheme?

Usually minds in any government are not mindful of such things. They never take into account unintended consequences of their actions. They think like gods: the day we enforce it, this is going to take place as we planned. Before this legislation comes into force, representatives of the Kissan Board have registered their objection. They have ‘pressed upon the government to continue with the current system since the new policy would affect thousands who were earning their livelihood by working as middlemen.’

Again, by this proposal, government’s own agenda stands defeated. Most of the governments, and almost all the political parties, which declare themselves as the self-proclaimed defenders of the poor use this argument, this time Kissan Board is making against this PML (N)’s provincial government. Why by this ouster leave thousands of families without their livelihood? Instead, the PML (N) government should promote the cause of the middleman and facilitate them. Aren’t they poor? But the ways of those who come to be in government are strange, devoid of logic and common sense as well. Aim at reducing the prices of fruits and vegetables and snatch livelihood from thousands of poor citizens!

However, the argument this writer wants to put forward is different. He considers middlemen a necessary link in the production-consumption chain. They are by default an indispensable part of the process of economic growth.

Any producer or grower would aim at earning more and more profit. If he is not a cheat, he would try to bring forth quality products at competitive prices to his respective market. To achieve this, he would try to keep the cost of his products lower, and most of the times producers and growers do not invest in making their products reach end-point consumers. They appoint agents or sole agents or distributors, or whatever arrangement is feasible. However, sometimes they do distribute their products but still not to the end-point consumers. That increases cost and requires specialization, at the least. It is only for the small producers, such as bakeries, who have their distribution in their hands, but again they just deliver their products to another link in the chain, the shopkeepers doing business in the vicinity of end-point consumers. When these businesses grow, they do have services of specialized distributors.

Not only comes the middleman in between the two points of production and consumption, but he is an essential part of various stages of both production and consumption also. Vendor industries, specialized importers, general order suppliers, etc, are necessary to facilitate the process of production. Who can ignore all important sectors providing various specialized research, consultancy and technical services to producers, traders, and distributors!

In view of this, the proposed legislation is but an attempt ‘to bomb the fruit and vegetable market to stone age.’ There is a producer and there is a consumer – bring them not closer, but face to face, and that will minimize or at best wipe out the cost of inputs by the middleman and margin of his profit also. That’s the fancy economics! But what about the cost of regulating this or that market? In this case, fruit and vegetable market, for which sellers and purchasers will be registered; they will be charged a registration fee; Special Agricultural Marketing Boards will be formed to control and regulate the affairs of the markets; market committee’s fee ratio will be doubled from 0.1 % to 2 %; and the administrators of these market committees will be elected by the stakeholders.

May one ask who will bear the cost of all this regulatory arrangement? No doubt, the end-point consumers in the name of whom and for the benefit of whom this very arrangement is going to be erected. Whether the middleman who is the target of this proposed legislation will be ousted or not is yet to be seen till this arrangement comes into force!

Before concluding, it is important to take up the issue from another angle. Let’s try to understand how fruit and vegetable markets work. These are specific, known places where sellers and buyers come to trade. Otherwise, they would be trying their luck here and there – sellers looking for buyers, and buyers for sellers. Those who own Addas (shops) in these markets, and are known as Thariyas (sort of platform for sellers and buyers to negotiate the deal), provide various services both to the sellers and buyers, but basically to sellers, and for this they charge in kind or a percentage of the proceeds from the sellers. These Thariyas fulfill a necessary function. Should sellers have no place to do their trade in a specific market, they will not be able to sell their products on competitive prices. Thariyas help them sell their produce. Sure, not every grower or one who brings fruits and vegetables to market can own an Adda in the market, or won’t find it beneficial to his business.

The second entity working in the market is Arhti – one who purchases quantities of fruits and vegetables in bulk either directly from the farmers or from other agents or traders who bring them to the market from far off places. Then, in turn, he using the services of the Thariya for keeping, storing and putting his items to sale, sells his purchases in smaller quantities to small vendors and shopkeepers. Why this link in this chain? What purpose does he serve? Thariya may or may not be an Arhti, but usually he is not, since this may increase his cost of doing business. The Arhti performs certain functions which Thariya would not like to. He sells smaller quantities to small vendors usually not on cash payment but through deferred payment which needs to be made on the next purchase or as agreed upon. The Arhti takes risk on two counts: first, he purchases perishable items in bulk; and second, he deals in deferred payments which may not be made at all or in due time. But he has to fulfill his responsibilities in the market regarding promises and payments.

In principle, these markets are open, there is no ban (but which the PML (N)) government proposes to put) on anyone not to purchase or sell this much or that much quantity of fruits and vegetables, and it is a genuine trade and rightful trading. It seems it is this link in this chain, the Arhti, (the explicit target of the government) which the proposed legislation aims at removing. Is government justified in this middleman’s ouster?

In point of fact, no link in any production-consumption chain is purposeless, unless it is created or imposed from without. Argument has this that it does serve certain function, otherwise other chain links would not allow it to remain there. The Arhti, the middleman, in the fruit and vegetable market connects the chain since he performs certain functions by investing and taking risks, and thus in his own position of middleman facilitates the efficient movement of fruits and vegetables to the end-point consumers.

Thus, the conclusion may not be far from truth that the intention of the PML (N)’s provincial government is mala fide and solely based on a prejudice. Also, it is no different from, and part of governmental traditions to plan and impose things on the market from without. May it be submitted to the PML (N) and its government that leave the fruit and vegetable market to work it on its own, and it will exclude any link which proves to be un-necessary to its working. Better the PML (N) and its government in Punjab focus on its duty of maintaining law and order, protecting person and property of its citizens, curbing the terrorists influence. And, finally if it is too fond of benefiting the ordinary citizens, it should put its energies to ensure competition in the market. In short, it should mind its own business, and let the fruit and vegetable market mind its own.

Note: This article was completed in February, 2011.

An elegy for Lahore

O the Ashraaf Rulers! Develop new cities and have your dreams fulfilled; have Metro Buses and Metro Trains there and whatever you want! Why do you raze and destroy our cities, our Lahore! Let we have our own dreams live in the cities where our souls live!

لاہور کا نوحہ:

لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے

[نئے شہر بساؤ اوراپنے شوق پورے کرو؛ ہمارے شہر کیوں ملیامیٹ کر رہے ہو!]

روتی ہوئی حسرت دلِ مغموم سے نکلے

واویلا کرو، بین کرو، اشک بہاؤ

لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے

اشراف کے خوابوں تلے کچلا گیا یہ شہر

صیاد کے ہتھکنڈوں سے مسلا گیا یہ شہر

آواز کہیں تو کسی حلقوم سے نکلے

لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے

جو روح تھی مر بھی چکی، اربابِ سیاست!

لاشہ بہا لے جائے گا سیلابِ سیاست

اس شہر کا قصہ دلِ مغموم سے نکلے

لاہور کی میت ہے ذراد ھوم سے نکلے

کتنی ہی عمارات جو پہچان تھیں اس کی

کوچے و گزرگاہیں جو کہ جان تھیں اس کی

نوحہ تو کسی کا لبِ مظلوم سے نکلے

لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے

وہ پیڑ، وہ برگد، وہ گھنے سیر کے رستے

منزل سے کہیں بڑھ کے جو تھے خیر کے رستے

اب قافلہ ان کا رہِ مسموم سے نکلے

لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے

اس شہرِنگاراں کو ہوس نے یوں اُدھیڑا

جیسے کسی نادار کو رہزن نے کھُدیڑا

کیا کیا نہ ستم خنجرِ مزعوم سے نکلے

لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے

اے ساکنو! کیوں چپ ہو، پنپنے کا نہیں پھر

اس بار جو اجڑے گا تو بسنے کا نہیں پھر

کیوں شہرمٹے، ہستیِ مرقوم سے نکلے

لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے

کاری ہے بہت ظلم کا یہ وار سنبھالو

مشکل نہیں کچھ کام یہ، لاہور بچا لو

لاہور کی جاں، پنجۂ مذموم سے نکلے

لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے

روتی ہوئی حسرت دلِ مغموم سے نکلے

واویلا کرو، بین کرو، اشک بہاؤ

لاہور کی میت ہے ذرا دھوم سے نکلے

[15 فروری، 2016]

Depoliticization and its causes

Here is the first part of this article: A depoliticized Pakistan on the rampage

The 2nd and the final part: Depoliticization and its causes

What’s a depoliticized Pakistan; how is it different from a politically apathetic Pakistan; how is it damaging both for the society and its state; who does now represent it, such questions were discussed in A depoliticized Pakistan on the rampage. In the present piece, some other questions will be dwelt on such as: why doesn’t a depoliticized India or Bangladesh exist in India or Bangladesh, for example?  Why that’s so only with Pakistan? Why is Pakistan so fecund for such elements? What are the elements that feed milk and butter to a depoliticized Pakistan?

Since long it has been my contention that the main culprit for the backward Pakistan is Politicians. In this case also, the main culprit for a depoliticized Pakistan is again Politicians. The previous article argues that it is barren politics that among other things may have caused Political Apathy to take root. That’s natural. Decades of experience made people learn: ‘Politics, Sir, is a cow that will yield such people no more milk, and so they are gone to milk the bull.” (Samuel Johnson used Truth in the place of Politics!) Though sort of a “Development Politics” entered the political arena, but it could not change the political paradigm. In the midst of present Islamabad Dharna, one must have noticed the top leadership of the Pakistan Muslim League-N harping on its development projects in vain.

It’s no denying that Political Apathy contributed to the solidification of a depoliticized citizenry. Moreover, it is consecutive martial laws which banned political activities, curbed political liberties, surgically operated political parties, built up artificial political structures, and last but not least, destroyed an independent political culture. Whoever ventured in politics made it a point that in order to succeed he needs to be part and parcel of the so-called establishment! It was the most successful short-cut to power in Pakistan. That it inspired a depoliticized Pakistan to love no-politics is evident.

Despite the voluminous charge-sheet against the imposers of martial laws, it may be argued that no martial law did ever succeed without the complicity of politicians. Let the generals impose martial law, and let no political party come to their aid, you will see the generals running back to their barracks! It is politicians who partner with the generals and give them constitutional cover. It is like reprieving a murderer from the gallows. In response to an objection that politicians are an amorphous entity and thus are vulnerable to insinuations, one may retort that politicians are well-organized in political parties with a devout following, and may prove an invincible citadel if they plan to act so; however, they always choose the path of submission and subservience. In this sense martial laws did not create such conditions which proved conducive to the growth and spread of a depoliticized citizenry, but it is the political opportunism and political cowardice on the part of political parties which helped a depoliticized citizenry most in fortifying its depoliticized vision for Pakistan.

Also, it is political parties which did not create an independent political culture in Pakistan; they always let their trees grow in the lawns of in-service or retired generals. Practically they behave in a manner as if the source of power lies in the General Head Quarters (GHQ). It’s strange and at the same time perplexing that no political party ever seems to believe in the constitution which unequivocally declares power as residing with the people of Pakistan. They do vie for the people’s mandate but never abide by its implications. Once they come to power, they do not remain in contact with the people whose mandate makes them rule the same people. That does strengthen the depoliticized Pakistan.

Another factor is the same old refrain: political parties did not deliver, political parties do not deliver. That translates into a fact that politics do not deliver; so let it be passed, let it be part of the past. Surprisingly it is characteristic of a depoliticized Pakistan that it does not delve into the past; it focuses its eyes only on the future. It is in this sense that a depoliticized Pakistan discards all that is part of a political past; it lives in the future. This especially explains the politics of Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf: Imran Khan and his followers have no inkling of Pakistan’s political past and they present the PTI as the first true political party of Pakistan, trashing all others. That’s not mere arrogance of an ignoramus; it is inherent in the politics of PTI that it’s the only true political force, whereas all other parties are just corrupt entities. That’s depoliticized Pakistan in action!

One more thing requires some elaboration as it is far more confusing. That’s about the number of people who participate in the PTI Dharnas, meetings and rallies, the latest one held in Rahim Yar Khan on Nov 9. Actually, numbers must not be mixed up with principles. Hitler had much following in Germany; but at the end of the day he was a fascist, who finally set out to conquer the world. Imran Khan has a substantial following of those sections of a depoliticized Pakistan which believe in political power legitimately belonging to them, and as their privileged right like divine right of the Kings of medieval world. It is fascism pure and simple. Imran Khan also wants to conquer the whole Pakistan, but what is characteristic of him and his politics and a depoliticized Pakistan also which he represents is his non-political politics, or his anti-political politics (a contradiction in terms). He seeks power in non-political ways.

As for India, there may be a depoliticized citizenry too weak to be noticed; it may be more vibrant in Bangladesh; but for the same reasons a depoliticized citizenry seems stronger and more damaging in Pakistan. It means it is not in martial laws (Bangladesh has had its share of which) that the rationale for a depoliticized citizenry may be found; it is in the quality of politicians that the process of depoliticization grows it stuff and substance. It is politicians themselves who depoliticized Pakistan, who fed it with milk and butter; now they are condemned to face the same depoliticized Pakistan!

Note: The 2nd part of this article was completed on October 1st and was originally posted in December 2014.

Why taxes are not a political issue in Pakistan?

Note: I sent this piece of writing to all the newspapers one by one; none bothered to see it or use it, that I am justified to conclude!

Why taxes are not a political issue in Pakistan?

All the politics is about collecting and spending taxes; but unfortunately that reality does not translate into political issues in Pakistan.

What it translates into is power-politics pure and simple! See the arrogant issueless politics of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf; see the pseudo-development politics of Pakistan Muslim League (N); see the outdated Roti-Kapra-Makaan politics of Pakistan Peoples Party (P); see the identity-less politics of Awami National Party; and also see the self-centered religious politics of Jamat-e-Islami, Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam (F). At the end of the day, all of their politics is about seeking power and state-benefits; or it is politicking on pseudo-issues ranging from anti-Americanism and pro-Palestine rallies to this or that religious or sectarian wrangling.

The political parties of Pakistan never ever take up any issue which directly concerns the ordinary citizens; such as the cruel state-machinery; deplorable conditions of social services; police brutalities; unavailability of prompt justice; protection of life and property, and most importantly taxes. For the last 68 years, these parties are constantly trying to protect “democracy,” which in fact is in danger by the very politics of the same political parties. And this “democracy” has delivered nothing to the people, but the crumbs.

Likewise, no political party minds the imposition of a new tax or an increase in an already existing tax; since they would be following the same practice while in the government. Probably for the same reason, no political party makes an issue of the taxes imposed, taxes increased or unjustified taxation. They may be objecting and debating it, now and then, in the national or provincial assemblies and resorting to a cosmetic walk-out or a boycott; however, they would never make it a political issue and educate their voters. Are they not the representatives of the people, who are required to take care of their interests? Or they are not the true representatives of the people!

For instance, take the case of Withholding Tax (0.3 % and 0.6 %) levied in this year’s budget. It got through the parliament smoothly; the opposition, a very active for that matter, having taken no notice of it. Only the middle-level traders, who are an organized community, and whom this tax affects directly, have come out against it. The other sections of society, which are not organized, such as pensioners, widows, ordinary savers, National Savings’ customers, it seems have no voice. It is in this context that question arises on the legitimacy of the role of the representatives sitting in the parliament. One must ask: Whose interests they are supposed to protect? And, whose interests they are protecting?

Crueler than this Withholding Tax, there is another arbitrary and unjust tax imposed years back on cash withdrawals from banks. Without any justification and starkly against the principles of taxation, it too penalizes those who use banking channels. Ironically, this tax also defies its purpose, i.e. promoting of banking channels and thus formal economy.

Isn’t is surprising and at the same time instructive that no parliamentarian and no politician or no political party took up the case of Withholding Tax on cash withdrawals and spoke against it let alone making it a political issue! Also, no court bothered to take “suo motto” notice of it. The same is happening as far as the Withholding Tax on all the banking instruments is concerned. No political party is ready to make it a political issue. They announced their support for the traders and sympathized with their cause; but that’s part of their power-politics!

As is the case, all the taxes ultimately trickle down to the end-consumers. Is it the reason no political party make them a political issue in which case they are not the true representatives of the people. But for the same reason, all the political parties must make the taxes a political issue in which case they may come to truly represent the people. Are the political parties of Pakistan are ready to play role of the true representatives of the people? Or they are there to vouch for their own special Ashraafi interests? Then the people must not vote them in power!